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Hebrew University of Jerusalem

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SEE: http://www.nrg.co.il/online/1/ART2/421/800.html#.UMi0QLtAu4w.facebook




Hebrew University of Jerusalem
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem is Israel's second-oldest university, after the Technion. The Hebrew University has three campuses in Jerusalem and one in Rehovot. Wikipedia
AddressJerusalem, Israel
Phone+972 2-588-2908
Enrollment23,500 (2010)
Founded1918

Sydney University peace centre rebuffs Israeli civics teacher

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http://antisemitism.org.il/article/76542/sydney-university-peace-centre-rebuffs-israeli-civics-teacher

Australia / 12-12-2012

Sydney University peace centre rebuffs Israeli civics teacher

Jake LynchJake Lynch
The Sydney University’s Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, which has thrown its support behind controversial Palestinian leaders, has cited its boycott of Israel for refusing to help an Israeli civics teacher who has designed programs for both Jewish and Arab children.

Hebrew University of Jerusalem academic Dan Avnon is credited with developing and implementing the only state program in civics written for joint Jewish-Arab high schools.

פרופסור דן אבנון
He approached the head of the Sydney University centre, Jake Lynch, for assistance with studying civics education in Australia under a fellowship agreement between the two institutions.

But Associate Professor Lynch rebuffed the request, citing the centre’s support for the anti-Israeli Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.

The centre helped establish the Sydney Peace Foundation, which awards the Sydney Peace Prize. Past recipients include the controversial Palestinian activist Hanan Ashrawi.

The centre’s website says it “promotes interdisciplinary research and teaching on the causes of conflict and the conditions that affect conflict resolution and peace”.

Professor Avnon contacted Associate Professor Lynch, expressing interest in spending time at the centre and meeting him.

Associate Professor Lynch emailed in reply: “Your research sounds interesting and worthwhile. However, we are supporters of the campaign of Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions, and that includes the call for an academic boycott of Israeli universities.”

EX ANNE's BLOG re legal action ag boycotteers!

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Brian Goldfarb says:
Unfortunately, Moti Cristal didn’t challenge this, because it’s highly likely that the withdrawal of his invitation broke UK equality (including anti-discrimination) legislation. This is one reason why the UK Universities and Colleges Union (UCU) has never sought to activate its various boycott resolutions passed at Annual Conference. Not only has the union received letters threatening legal action should they do so (from the redoubtable Anthony Julius), but their own lawyers have warned them that this was the situation.
UCU has dropped the European Union Monitoring Commission on Racism’s draft definition on antisemitism from its principles (as has the UK Green Party), on the basis (I suppose) that their national Executive knows better than any victim of alleged antisemitism whether this has happened or not. Just try and imagine them doing this for racism and see whether this sounds likely (or, as the Jewish actress Maureen Lipman noted in a brief discussion on the BBC’s morning Today programme, “It’s always the Jews, isn’t it?”).
Actually, there’s a case in an Employment Tribunal at the moment, led, again, by Anthony Julius – and he doesn’t take on obviously losing cases – whereby a Jewish member of UCU, Ronnie Fraser, is challenging UCU on the basis of the dropping of the EUMC definition, saying it has made his working life intolerable. The decision isn’t expected much before the end of the year.
Mona Baker, regrettably, actually owns the Journal which boycotted the two Israeli academics, so there was nothing the University of Manchester could do directly, though I understand that some sanctions were imposed (at least, I hope so).
Coming back to Moti Cristal for a moment, at the last General Election here in the UK, the Labour Candidate in my constituency was the Assistant General Secretary of Unison, which had recently passed a boycott motion (on guess who?) and, although I’m a consistent Labour voter (and this is marginal Labour/Liberal-Democrat seat), I’m not ashamed to admit that I didn’t vote for her. Labour voting is not the only political principle I have, support for academic (and other) freedom, as well as Zionism, is another. BTW, she lost. And I (twice) didn’t vote for Ken Livingstone either.
I just wonder what the law in Australia is. It’s possible that, strictly speaking, the U. of Sydney’s actions were unlawful. Why doesn’t someone contact the Australian Jewish Board of Deputies (or whatever it’s called there) and make them aware of the situation?
  • anneinpt says:
    Brian, thanks for reminding us of the legal action taken by Anthony Julius. It ought to be standard practice amongst Jewish organizations to instigate legal proceedings against the boycotters. It doesn’t seem as if anything else will work. The lawyers and activists involved need to be well organized and coordinated so that they can defend a visiting Israeli like Moti Cristal even if the Israelis themselves don’t realize there is anything they can do to counter the boycott.
    Kol hakavod to you for standing by your principles on voting day, even if they run counter to your normal voting patterns. It must be hard to break a long-standing habit and political position. I admire you for having the courage of your convictions. Would that everyone would do the same!

LATEST FROM ANNE RE OZ BDS.18 April 2013

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LATEST FROM ANNE RE OZ BDS.
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Latest anti-Israel BDS antics

None of the actions mentioned in this post will be much of a surprise to those of you who follow the antics of the BDS anti-Israel brigade,   but I thought it worth listing some of the most recent events so that one should not imagine that this new kind of anti-Semitism, (and yes, anti-Zionism is equivalent to anti-Semitism) has dissipated into the ether.
One of the most egregious acts occurred just last week and was widely under-reported (if that is not a contradiction in terms). It only came to light when the main protagonist, Yaniv D’Or, an Israeli opera singer, posted what happened on his Facebook page.  The Algemeiner picks up his story and quotes from Facebook:
“During a performance in Johannesburg a group or (sic) protestors stormed the Lyric Theatre and shouted some strong pro palestinians slogans as I was singing the wonderful melody of Eli Eli which is written by Hannah Senesh at the time of the holocaust.
“They hated me for the wrong reasons. I am a proud Israeli and British citizen and very much supporting freedom for Palestine…
“I continued singing as if nothing happened in hope it was a one off incident. I was so wrong. After the break without any particular reason another protestor (female) stormed the stage as I was singing and started shouting again pro palestinian slogans, this time also exploding stinky bombs on stage.”
D’Or proceeded to lead the woman off stage, where security personnel took over.
The hatred of these protestors is beyond belief. Do they think they are going to win over any sympathisers with their ridiculous antics? In fact they aren’t interested in winning over hearts and minds. Their only intention is to wreck and destroy anything to do with Israel and anything that might show Israel in a positive light.
An absolutely disgusting example of utter anti-Israel and antisemitic actions, although not strictly in the BDS category, can be seen in France (h/t Reality) where a Paris suburb plans to honour the Palestinian terrorist who killed Israeli MK Rechavam Zeevi:
JTA – A French town is scheduled to host a ceremony on Wednesday honoring several Palestinian terrorists.
Among the terrorists are Allam Kaabi and Salah Hamouri, who are are scheduled to appear at the Bourse de Travail building, which belongs to the municipality of St. Denis, a suburb of the French capital.
Kaabi, of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), planned and carried out the 2001 assassination of Israel’s tourism minister, Rehavam Ze’evi. Hamouri, also of the PFLP, was arrested for plotting to assassinate Sephardic Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef. Hamouri was one of the 1,027 prisoners exchanged in 2011 for Gilad Shalit, a citizen of France and Israel. He is scheduled to appear at the Sait-Denis event.
The event is organized by the “national collective for just and viable peace between Palestinians and Israelis,” a group known by its French acronym CNPJDPI. Also present will be a representative of Amnesty International, Martine Brizemur, according to a statement by the organization. The men scheduled to speak are described as “recently released prisoners” in the statement.
It is no surprise that Amnesty International feels able to attend such a scandalous event. Amnesty’s notoriety with regards to its biased attitude towards Israel is well known andamply documented. But shame on Paris that it is permitting such a revolting “honour” to be given its name. So much for “Liberté, égalité et fraternité”.
Lest one think the USA is immune to Israel-hatred of this sort, a particularly nasty BDS event took place at Brooklyn College in New York.
First, college president Karen Gould distinguished herself for what amounted to an anti-anti-BDS position, like that of the anti-anti-communists of the late Cold War era–those who didn’t necessarily support communism, but who considered anti-communists to be the far greater threat to world peace and American national interests. In her two statements on the affair, she strongly (almost glowingly) defended the Political Science Department whose formal vote triggered the crisis. Unlike Mayor Mike Bloomberg and CUNY chancellor Matthew Goldstein, she couldn’t bring herself to condemn BDS. In her first statement on the event, she implied, without saying so outright, that BDS could be considered as among the “issues of importance to our world.”
[...]
Second, the Political Science Department distinguished itself for its hypocrisy–wrapping itself in claims of “academic freedom” while refusing to explain to students or to the public whose tax dollars help fund its members’ salaries and why it voted to formally affiliate itself with the event. [...] And the sole department member to publicly offer a rationale for the departmental vote offered criteria (speakers who “are heterodox and that challenge the dominant assumptions of society”) that would seem to justify departmental sponsorship of a David Duke campus appearance.
Finally, the event provided a reminder–if one were needed–that few segments of American society are more hostile to Israel than a typical college campus.
Four Jewish students protesting the Brooklyn BDS  meeting were kicked out.  However thecollege is now investigating the entire incident itself and found itself culpable for the fiasco. At least that is a start, although there is no guarantee there won’t be such events in the future:
The major finding of the report: “It is clear that there was no justification for the removal of the four students.”  An initial college statement that “official reports” indicated that the students had engaged in disruptive behavior was not accurate. And while there’s no reason to believe that the students were removed because they’re Jewish, “a more plausible inference can be drawn that the removal of the four students was motivated by their political viewpoint.”
To conclude today’s sorry tale of woe we cross over to Ireland (via Engage) where theTeachers’ Union of Ireland has voted to boycott all academic collaboration with Israel:
A motion, calling for all members of the union to end work with Israeli counterparts, was passed unanimously at the TUI annual conference in Galway on Thursday.
The union called on the Irish Congress of Trade Unions to increase its campaign for boycott, divestment and sanctions against “the apartheid state of Israel until it lifts its illegal siege of Gaza and its illegal occupation of the West Bank”.
[...]
The motion doesn’t bother to maintain the fiction of the “institutional boycott”.  This is a boycott of scholars and students on the basis of their nationality.  This is a boycott of a significant proportion of the world’s Jewish academics and students for reasons which are nothing to do with anything that those academics have said or done.  Nobody but Israelis are to be boycotted.
Rob Harris at Eirael expands on the hypocrisy of the TUI boycott:
Whether or not one thinks Israel is violating the rights of Arab-Palestinians, the singling out of this small nation above all others must surely seem an oddity to all but those who obsessively hate Israel.
Numerous Irish academic institutions have strong links with regimes that possess dubious human rights records. Moreover, one would think this issue would be a source of even mild concern to those supposedly interested in human rights because these links have grown ever stronger,such as with Russia, and particularly China, the developments of which have been well publicised. Consequently, the obsession over a few rather tenuous academic links with Israel is outlandish, to say the least.
As musician and academic Ciarán Ó Raghallaigh noted, perhaps with a hint of sarcasm in a letter to the Irish Times
There seems to have been no discussion of the extensive academic ties that Trinity College, Dublin Institute of Technology and University College, Dublin all have with Russia and China, despite the former country’s illegal occupation of parts of the sovereign state of Georgia… This is all the more surprising given that it was the Dublin Colleges Branch of the TUI that sponsored the anti-Israel motion.

Neither were any corresponding demands placed by members of the TUI onto the opposing Arab-Palestinian side. It should be recalled that the Arab-Palestinian education system & academia has been used to incite extreme hatred and violence throughout the Palestinian populace for decades, thereby dealing a death-blow to any chance of a peace process, thanks to a permanently radicalised populace. It would seem that even an education system using children in endeavours to exterminate another state, going as far as to institute militaristic camps is not worthy of censure!

Read the entire article. It is excellently researched and sourced and well worth the read.

Rob’s article concludes thus:

The BDS movement seeks to isolate Israel economically, academically and culturally, in a quest to bring a remarkable nation to its knees. Whether or not such an action is deemed offensive from a moral perspective, simply from a position of self-interest, boycotting Israel’s education and academia is likely to make Ireland the worse off if it takes hold and spreads to other Irish academic unions in the long run.

If we change the word “Irish” for “international” or world community, we can understand the danger of BDS not for Israel, but for the well-being of the world.
But the haters of Israel don’t care about the well-being of the Palestinians or the world in general. All they care about is destroying Israel, whether by physical means, economically or spiritually. We must combat this new antisemitism with all the means at our disposal.

This entry was posted in AcademiaBoycotts and BDS and tagged ,. Bookmark the permalink.

4 Responses to Latest anti-Israel BDS antics

  1. Rob Harris says:
    Nice post Anne and thanks for the positive assessment! :)
    “The hatred of these protestors is beyond belief. Do they think they are going to win over any sympathisers with their ridiculous antics? In fact they aren’t interested in winning over hearts and minds. Their only intention is to wreck and destroy anything to do with Israel and anything that might show Israel in a positive light.”
    I think many pro-Palestinians adopt a tactic of bullying and intimidation with those freely disinterested in persuasion. They intimidate artists, the venue owners/staff, and/or the promoters. Even those attending performances are often harassed. That sort of behaviour is certainly all too apparent with BDS events around the world, not least in Ireland with the IPSC. any pro-Palestinians. It causes people to become reluctant to travel to Israel or perhaps out of it, makes businesses/promoters etc. reluctant to accept bookings because the grief is too great, and people afraid to attend an enjoyable evening faced with demented hoards of protestors screaming about blood on their hands etc. It is literally an assault on basic freedom of movement.
    The same can happen with those expressing sympathy for Israel, even if they have no political clout e.g. Kim Kardashian being subjected to oceans of abuse when she just tweeted a simple message of support for Israel during Pillar of Cloud. Its an assault on freedom of speech too.
    • anneinpt says:
      Hi Rob, you’re welcome! Your article really is very good and deserves a much wider audience.
      I’m not sure I agree about BDS discouraging people from travelling to Israel. From comments and remarks by relatively neutral and disinterested people who have had altercations with the BDS crowd, I gather that these people get very antagonised by the BDS brigade. they resent anyone telling them where to go and with whom they can associate and the BDS effort often tends to backfire.
      Of course that’s not to say it never happens that BDS discourages people but I think we shouldn’t give them any “credit” beyond the minor damage that they cause.
      And obviously we need to continue to combat BDS in all its variations both for the good of Israel and its supporters, and simply for the sake of truth. For that, I thank you for your excellent blog and your wonderful work in supporting Israel.
  2. Rob Harris says:
    Hi Anne, sorry I posted the above comments very late last night so due to tiredness two things I said might be taken up other than I meant:
    “I’m not sure I agree about BDS discouraging people from travelling to Israel. From comments and remarks by relatively neutral and disinterested people who have had altercations with the BDS crowd, I gather that these people get very antagonised by the BDS brigade. they resent anyone telling them where to go and with whom they can associate and the BDS effort often tends to backfire.”
    What I meant to say was that performers travelling to Israel is discouraged by BDS as the remark was made with regard to Yaniv D’Or’s performance. There’shttp://frontpagemag.com/2010/robert-harris/the-music-industry-meets-the-anti-israel-movement-part-i/ widespread intimidation I believe. It can be overt as in the way Paul McCartney was treated but often it is less overt but still obvious.
    Re. Kardashian, and the assault on freedom of speech, that clearly is the case with BDS spotting people performing, academics visiting countries etc., but I was referring more to a point prevalent pro-pal abusiveness (Internet and other forms) is also an effort to simply silence through bullying.
  3. roxymuzak says:
    Fair play to Rob on a fine article. It’s very embarrassing to be Irish and to read of the carry on of our “teachers”. The frightening thing about it is that these people are in a position to manipulate the minds of young children. I notice that the baboons from the IPSC are at the forefront of this repellent move. Are Irish teachers going to allow themselves be led by the nose by people who I’m convinced are inspired by one of the oldest and most irrational hatreds of them all. Shame on them if they are.

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Professor Julian Disney Director Soc Justice et al at UNSW

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Julian Disney

z7401680's picture

Professor, Director - Social Justice Project

AO, LLB Adel, Hon LLD UNSW

Contact details

E-mail: jdisney@unsw.edu.au
Phone: 
9385 1275
Room: 
370
Building: 
Law Building
Brief overview: 
If using this overview to introduce an address by Julian Disney, please choose only a few relevant items from this overview rather than using it in full.
Julian Disney is a part-time Professor and Director of the Social Justice Project at the University of New South Wales. He has previously been Professor of Public Law at the Australian National University and Director of its Centre for International and Public Law. He is also a Visiting Professor at the University of Technology Sydney (UTS).
Julian Disney is Chair of the Australian Press Council, which is the national standards council for print and online media.  He is also National Co-Chair of Anti-Poverty Week and Chair of the Board of the Energy and Water Ombudsman in New South Wales (EWON). He is a member of the Board of Governors of the Committee for the Economic Development of Australia and of the Asialink Advisory Council.
Prof Disney has previously been Coordinator of the Sydney Welfare Rights Centre where he worked for six years assisting people who were unemployed or experiencing other forms of hardship. He has also been President of the NSW Council of Social Service (NCOSS) and the Australian Council of Social Service (ACOSS). He has been World President of the International Council on Social Welfare (ICSW) which represents social welfare organisations from more than 80 countries. He has also been Chair of the National Affordable Housing Summit group and the Community Tax Forum, and Convenor of the Neighbours Program to strengthen engagement between community leaders in Australia and neighbouring Asian countries.
Prof Disney has been a full-time NSW Law Reform Commissioner, Chair of the NSW Ministerial Task Force on Affordable Housing and Chair of the independent review for the Australian Parliament of the Job Seeker Compliance System.  He was a member for seven years of the Australian Government's Economic Planning Advisory Council (EPAC) and has been chair or member of national advisory committees in fields such as education, employment and training, social security, public administration, literacy, housing, superannuation and immigration.
During the last three decades he has been a policy consultant to a number of social welfare and business groups, a regular speaker at national and international conferences, and a frequent media commentator. He has also been the principal author or editor of books and articles relating to aspects of the legal profession, taxation, housing, social welfare, governance, national development and international organisations.
In 1994, Julian Disney was appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) for services to the development of economic and social welfare policy, and to the law. In 1999, he was awarded an Honorary Doctorate of Laws (LL.D) by the University of New South Wales.

Courses taught:

Areas of expertise: 
Social justice, Global governance, Public investment and taxation, Housing and urban development, Social security

Cut and paste 22/4 RE DREYFUS ET AL

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Don't worry - the sheik of Liverpool is not calling for decapitation or unicorn blood

THE CAT MEAT CLERIC IS WORRIED BUT ATTORNEY - GENERAL SAYS FEIZ HAS CHANGED HIS WAYS

Community leader? The Ten Network's Meet The Press yesterday:
CLAIRE Harvey: We now know the older bomber . . . was a fan of a radical Australian cleric who lives in Sydney called Sheik Feiz Mohammed . . . What's ASIO doing about this man?
Mark Dreyfus: I think you might also see that those videos were some years old, and Sheik Feiz Mohammed, in recent months, particularly in the latter period of last year, when there were some quite dramatic demonstrations in Sydney, condemned the use of violence and certainly, as a community leader, he's someone that's getting behind the countering violent extremism program that we have in many communities.
Some years ago? Radio Netherlands, April 21, 2010:
DUTCH anti-Islam MP Geert Wilders has received a death threat after his appearance on Australian TV. A radical Muslim preacher, Feiz Mohammed, speaking on a members-only jihadist website, described Mr Wilders as a devil and a dirty politician. The preacher called on Dutch radical Muslims to decapitate Mr Wilders because he was "humiliating Islam". Mr Mohammed said: "Seeing this evil filth from people like that dirty politician . . . In Islam, anyone that mocks Islam, anyone that laughs about Islam, degrades Islam, the punishment whether he is a Muslim or a non-Muslim, the punishment of mocking Islam is death. (. . .) If he did this, if it's been confirmed, behead him, chop his head off." Intelligence sources say Feiz Mohammed is considered on a par with US Muslim preacher Anwar al-Awlaki, who is seen as the brains behind a failed attack on a plane flying over Detroit.
Too radical for Sheik (cat meat) Hilaly? Yoni Bashan, The Sunday Telegraph, March 20, 2011:
AUTHORITIES have asked Auburn cleric Sheik Feiz Mohammed to remove from his website footage featuring the al-Qa'ida spiritual leader Anwar al-Awlaki. . . . Sheik Taj El-Din al-Hilaly (said): "If religion had something like the Australian Medical Association, or a trade authority, they would not allow him to be preaching, they wouldn't give him a licence. . . I haven't seen a change in him."
Unicorn blood? Alex Spillius, London Telegraph, Friday:
IN April 2012, Tamerlan was clearly watching radical Islamist content on the internet. His YouTube channel includes several posts by Sheik Feiz Mohammed, an Australian ex-boxer, now resident in Lebanon. One rant by Mohammed includes a denunciation of Harry Potter films as promoting "paganism, evil, magic and the drinking of unicorn blood".
Alan Jones, 2GB, last Wednesday:
I THINK what we have to remember about Boston is that it's a student city, you've got Harvard, MIT and a stack of other colleges. I wouldn't be surprised if this was a conspiracy among students, left-wing radical students in Boston . . .
Mike Carlton, The Sydney Morning Herald, Saturday:
SURELY the FBI could have saved itself a lot of time and trouble if it had rung our very own Alan Jones, the visionary broadcaster, to find out who was behind the Boston bombing. Possessing powers beyond those of mortal men, Alan knew instinctively who had done it: left-wing students. . . . It springs from those sinks of terrorist conspiracy, Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, which, believe it or not, are quite close to Boston. This warning, this tocsin, dare I say it must not be ignored. The pursed lips, the knowing frown, the ruddy cheeks, the matching tie and hanky set, all indicate a thinker of great purpose and wisdom. And there was more: "We're very keen to have foreign students pay the way of universities in this country without a lot of discernment about who comes in," he added.
Foreigners. Students. Lanai Scarr, News.com.au, Sunday:
THE masterminds. . . had escaped war-torn Chechnya. . . Dzhokhar, 19, was a medical student at the prestigious University of Massachusetts at Dartmouth . . . Tamerlan had studied accounting at Bunker Hill Community College.

Cut and paste 23/ 4...re BOB ELLIS ET AL

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Psychic Bob Ellis sheds light on the mysterious Boston bombers who don't fit any profile
JUST TAKE A MATURE APPROACH AND DON'T MENTION THE RELIGION THAT CANNOT BE NAMED





BOB Ellis makes a prediction last Tuesday:
IT seems to me likely that this was not al-Qa'ida or a lone madman . . . but more likely, much more likely, the NRA . . . No responsibility will be claimed by any group, and there will be no second attack; and no culprit ever found. This is my prediction.
Andrew O'Keefe, host of Channel 7's Deal or No Deal (and secret terror expert) tweets on Friday:
"THE common link is not Islam, it is young men."
Taking up the theme. Sydney's The Sun-Herald editorialises, Sunday:
DESPITE the cacophony of speculation and political point-scoring, nobody yet knows what drove Tamerlan Tsarnaev, a 26-year-old US citizen of Chechen descent, and his brother Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, 19, to commit the atrocities of which they stand accused . . . By typecasting and marginalising cultures in the hunt for scapegoats, we risk exacerbating the very alienation that provides fertile ground for radicalisation. It should be noted that information that emerged in the hours after Tamerlan Tsarnaev was killed in a police shootout early on Friday didn't fit into any neat profile, aside from the fact that the suspects were young adult males.
Well, this can't be the explanation. ABC Radio National's Jonathan Green tweets April 15:
TIM Blair (wrote on his blog): "Multiple bombs are the usual strategy in Islamist terrorist attacks."
Matt J tweets yesterday:
LOOKS like Tim Blair was right. So does that mean we can discuss Islam . . . again, or should we just ignore and hope it goes away?
Green tweets yesterday:
TO the extent that it prompted these actions of course but we know nothing of that as yet. the talk is empty.
Robert Elliott tweets yesterday:
LOOKS like Alan Jones and Tim Blair know far more about Islamic terrorism than you and Waleed Aly.
Green tweets yesterday:
YEAH they stand as beacons of knowing restraint for mine. (sic)
Elliott tweets yesterday:
THE problem with the ABC/Left echo chamber is that it excludes reality and conflicting views. Be more curious Jonathan.
Green tweets yesterday:
BLAIR was islamophobing as usual. we have only circumstantial evidence. none of us have a clue why this happened.
Elliott tweets yesterday:
YOU seriously believe that Islamism is not a clue to why this happened? Do Buddhist, Hindu or Christian students do this?
Green tweets yesterday:
I HAVE no idea why they did this. neither do you. and yes. obviously. read the papers
What a mature way to handle terror. Waleed Aly, The Sydney Morning Herald, last Friday:
WE'RE finally maturing in the way we handle terrorism. Gone is the triumphalist rhetoric of the "War on Terror", with its ridiculous promises of a terrorism-free world and the ultimate victory of freedom over tyranny. In its place is a far more sober, pragmatic recognition that terrorism is a perpetual irritant, and that while it is tragic and emotionally lacerating, it kills relatively few people and is not any kind of existential threat.
Mature talk. Tim Blair, The Daily Telegraph, yesterday:
SOME of us might hope for maturity from terrorists, who prefer bloodthirsty and irrational attacks on innocent targets over any kind of adult reasoning, but that's not going to happen anytime soon . . . Three people were killed in Boston due to irritants. Another 14 will endure the perpetual irritation of losing one or more limbs. By last Friday, 57 remained in hospital suffering varying degrees of emotional laceration to their faces and bodies. Hey, this new mature talk is fun.

Letters The Oz 22/4..the resolve..

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Letters The Oz 22/4..the resolve..


The resolve of the people will defeat senseless terrorism

YOUR editorial says the people of Boston prevailed (20-21/4). Indeed they did, as did Londoners and Australians who continue to support the tourist industry in Bali.
The editorial makes a number of good points, but it is the resolve of the common people that will ultimately dampen the zeal of those committed to senseless violence.
The populist political responses of increased invasion of privacy and restriction of human rights, combined with the self-serving growth in the security sector, have failed.
All they do is inconvenience the people whose resolve remains paramount. It is the phones and cameras of these people that are the instruments in bringing culprits to account.
Len Ashby, Forster, NSW
THE US, Australia and other Western countries have more to fear from internal terrorism than that of an external one, as we saw in Boston.
We hear Australian intelligence and security services are concerned about the number of Australians fighting in Syria.
What can we expect when they return home battle hardened, experienced in street warfare and indoctrinated in violent jihad?
Could what happened in Boston happen in an Australian city? Let's hope our security services have enough intelligence on those people who might be contemplating a plot. We can't let our guard down.
Robert Pallister, Punchbowl, NSW

RE Dreyfus.. letters 23/4

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RE Dreyfus.. letters 23/4


Dreyfus shouldn't be giving character references to radicals


WHAT on earth is going on in federal Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus's office?
 Why does he feel obliged to defend the radical Australian Islamist, Sheik Feiz Mohammed, over his part in possibly influencing the Boston Marathon bombers? Dreyfus's comments were gratuitous and inappropriate in the circumstances.
It seems bizarre that the first law officer would offer a character reference for someone whose public statements reveal he holds extremist views and regards Western society with contempt.
This follows the episode in June 2011 when then federal attorney-general Robert McClelland gave an address on terrorist-related prosecutions without mentioning they all involved Muslims.
Instead, he emphasised that 37 of the 38 people then prosecuted were Australian citizens and 21 of the 38 were Australian-born, implying they were a product of the Australian population as a whole, and not part of a readily identifiable group.
The Attorney-General should not be involved in such apologetics and this behaviour suggests that inappropriate influence is being exercised over our first law officer in this vital area of his responsibilities.
Merv Bendle, Mount Louisa, Qld
THE catching of the two Boston bombers has revealed one may have been influenced by a radical imam in Australia. Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus says Sheik Feiz Mohammed's web videos are out of date and that the sheik is now supporting the counter-terrorism program "we have in many communities across Australia". We await confirmation by the sheik.
Many Australians would be also interested to learn details of these unpublicised programs and the extent to which they condemn the advocacy of extremist activity by Islamists.
Des Moore, South Yarra, Vic 

Campus rally to protest Max Brenner opening

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Campus rally to protest Max Brenner opening



THE University of NSW will tomorrow become the next battleground in the boycott, divestment and sanctions campaign against Israel, with students due to rally against the establishment of a Max Brenner chocolate shop on campus.
Students opposed to Israel's treatment of Palestinians have vowed to mount a campaign to persuade university authorities to reverse their decision to allow the Israeli-owned chain to set up the shop, which is expected to open in June.
Max Brenner is a brand of the food and beverage Strauss group, which has been a supporter of the Israeli armed forces, including "adopting" a platoon in the army's Golani brigade.
In recent years, BDS protests against Max Brenner shops have turned violent, with one in Melbourne ending in 19 arrests.
Students will protest at tomorrow's rally under the banner of Students for Justice in Palestine, with posters around campus promoting it with the line "Max Brenner publicly supports the displacement torture and genocide of Palestinians" and "Apartheid by the Bald Man", the latter being a play on the Max Brenner slogan "Chocolate by the Bald Man."
The organisers have also established a dedicated Facebook page, which has seen some robust exchanges between pro-Palestinian and pro-Israeli commentators.
The rally's organiser, computer science student Damian Ridgwell, said he expected a big turnout, with speakers to include Palestinian students and a "Jewish anti-zionist" female student. "The aim is to raise awareness of the campaign for Palestinians to obtain liberation and justice," he said.
NSW Jewish Board of Deputies chief executive Vic Alhadeff said protesting against a Max Brenner outlet "is as immoral and counterproductive a tactic as is BDS in general".
"It does nothing whatsoever to advance a Palestinian state and is merely a spiteful measure aimed at denigrating Israel," he said.
"As for the appalling racist invective on Facebook which has accompanied this issue, the less said the better." Mr Ridgwell said some Facebook posts did not reflect the views of the organisers.
A UNSW spokeswoman said the lease for the shop on campus "is signed and won't be revoked".
"Based on survey results we expect the store to be very popular with students and staff on campus. Individuals can elect not to patronise the outlet," she said.

Julia Gillard denounces activists as anti-Israel protest turns anti-Semitic

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HIGHER EDUCATION

Julia Gillard denounces activists as anti-Israel protest turns anti-Semitic


JULIA Gillard has denounced the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement ahead of anti-Israeli protest action planned at the University of NSW today.
BDS action at UNSW has turned ugly, with anti-Semitic and Holocaust-denying material appearing on a Facebook page opposing the opening of a Max Brenner chocolate shop on campus. Postings on a Facebook page promoting today's protest have attacked "Jews and Jew lovers" and said the figure of six million Jews murdered by Nazi Germany was an exaggeration.
"Tell us again how there was no hidden Zionist agenda with the Holocaust and the eventual creation of the state of Israel," one reads.
The Prime Minister said yesterday through a spokeswoman that the government had always been firm in its opposition of the BDS movement, which equates Israel with apartheid-era South Africa.
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"This campaign does not serve the cause of peace and diplomacy for agreement on a two-state solution between Israel and Palestine," she said.
"I welcome the strong ties our universities have with Israeli researchers and academic institutions, and I hope those ties will deepen in the years ahead."
The University of Sydney Student Representative Council this month called for a boycott of Israeli academic institutions, including severing the university's ties with the world-renowned Technion in Haifa.
The Prime Minister's comments come a week after she became the first Australian politician to sign the London Declaration on Combating Anti-Semitism.
"In the face of anti-Semitism, there can be no bystanders," she wrote. "As citizens, as leaders and as nations, we must act."
The gesture has been seen as bridge-building after a row with the Jewish community last year over Australia's abstention from a UN vote giving Palestine non-member observer state status.
Executive Council of Australian Jewry chief Peter Wertheim welcomed Ms Gillard's remarks yesterday.
"The BDS campaign against Israel over the last few years has been a spectacular failure," he said.
"It has been forcefully repudiated by every political party represented in the federal parliament and in every state and territory parliament."
Some Greens, including NSW senator Lee Rhiannon, have backed the movement in the past. Support for BDS is credited with dashing the Greens' hopes of winning the seat of Marrickville in the 2011 NSW election.
The group Students for Justice in Palestine has called for a boycott of the University of NSW Max Brenner outlet, due to open in June.
BDS activists claim the chain is owned by the Israeli Strauss Group of food and confectionery manufacturers, which produces some rations for the nation's defence forces and accuse it of complicity in "Israeli war crimes". However, the local management insists it is wholly Australian owned and operated.
Australian Union of Jewish Students spokesman Andrew Goldberg said: "The boycott Max Brenner movement has turned into a hotbed of blatant anti-Semitism. Classical anti-Semitic comments have been made, clearly irrelevant to discussion about Max Brenner. The organisers have effectively endorsed these comments by dismissing legitimate concerns about anti-Semitism as 'trying to shut down debate about Israel'."
Mr Goldberg called on university officials to "ensure that those with an anti-Semitic agenda will not be allowed to spread their hateful and discriminatory agenda on campus".
The Australian was unable to contact the Facebook site's operators. However, one prolific poster apologised "to any of the Jewish people on this page who were upset and offended by comments".

The ugly face of student activism

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The ugly face of student activism


WHEN the University of NSW surveyed staff and students about which new stores they wanted on campus, a Max Brenner chocolate shop was the equal second most popular choice. This has not deterred the anti-Israel Students for Justice in Palestine UNSW from seeking to impose its own preferences on the rest of the campus community.
They accuse UNSW, and presumably staff and students who voted for Max Brenner, of supporting "Israeli war crimes" and "apartheid".
Beyond this baseless calumny against Israel, local Max Brenner shops are wholly Australian owned and operated.
Yet if that was the extent of SJP's response, it would hardly rate a mention.But what began as student activism, has ended up in a social media campaign of anti-Jewish vilification, to the point where many Jewish students on campus feel unsafe.
The Facebook page RALLY! Say no to Max Brenner at UNSW was set up by SJP via the Boycott Max Brenner at UNSW Facebook group. It has hosted dozens of comments that cover the gamut of anti-Jewish stereotypes, claiming that Jews are cursed by God, are money-hungry, control the media, and are dirty and evil.
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Other posts deny the Holocaust and simultaneously, with textbook cognitive dissonance, blame the Holocaust on the Jews.
The racist postings include a reference to "evil greedy money-loving nature of Jews", and the claim that "Only news (that) Jews are happy with goes through via media". Another post reverts to classical religious bigotry: "Of course I have a problem with Jews. You are not the cursed people and were not Banished from the holy land for nothing lol." Non-Jews who defend Jews come in for opprobrium with the comment: "Tip rats = Jew lovers."
An especially vicious post rails against "the dirtiest most evil people on earth using the holocaust to their advantage as leverage to establish the state of israel. it was all planned."
The UNSW Student Representative Council Ethnic Affairs Officer, Charlotte Lewis, was so shocked she posted: "Reading over these comments has left me gobsmacked at the outrageous anti-Semitic slanders mentioned on this event. If I see one more antisemitic comment, I'm taking this to the University."
In a later post, Lewis stated: "I am the Ethno-Cultural Officer, meaning I need to look out for any hate speech towards any ethnic group. I have witnessed many accusations that the Holocaust didn't exist, and that Jews are money-hungry pigs. Due to this, several Jewish students actually feel unsafe to step foot into the University, meaning I actually DO need to solve this problem."
Lewis informed the page owners that the UNSW Chancellery had been made aware of the page, and its anti-Jewish content, but the university administration appears not to have taken action.
The present National Anti Racism campaign slogan, "Racism, it stops with me", seems to have fallen on deaf ears among the administrators at UNSW, which has one of the most culturally diverse campuses in Australia.
It has been left to other UNSW students who share Lewis's disgust to establish their own Facebook page Defend Max Brenner at UNSW, featuring screenshots of the anti-Jewish posts on the RALLY page to highlight the racism it has spawned. These students posted their own comments on the RALLY page, protesting its anti-Semitism and demanding an end to the anti-Jewish vitriol. For the most part, their demands went unheeded. Some anti-Jewish posts were deleted, but were replaced by others.
SJP has yet to ask itself why it provides a sympathetic home for naked Jew-hatred. SJP organisers wax indignant at the merest suggestion they are complicit in fomenting anti-Semitism. Instead, they accuse anyone who points out the raw racism they attract of trying to "censor" them with the intimidating charge of anti-Semitism. It is difficult but necessary for them to understand their own role in attracting and hosting content which expresses racism against Jews. It is easy, but false, simply to assume any claimed offence is merely feigned for political or other advantage.
Peter Wertheim is executive director and Julie Nathan research officer of the Executive Council of Australian Jewry, the national peak body of the Australian Jewish community.

Salami tactics

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  1. YesPrime Minister - Nuclear deterrent - YouTube

    www.youtube.com/watch?v=IX_d_vMKswE
    Jan 5, 2008 - Uploaded by odmarolsen
    The chief scientific advisor discusses neuclear weapons withPrime Minister Jim Hacker.
  2. More videos for salami tactics yes prime minister »
  3. Salami tactics - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salami_tactics
    The term "salami tactics" was used in the British political satire, Yes Prime Minister in Series 1, Episode 1, "The Grand Design". In this episode, the prime ...
  4. The Yes (PrimeMinister Files - YPM series 1 episodes 1-4

    www.yes-minister.com/ypmseas1a.htm
    Site about the BBC comedy series Yes Minister and Yes Prime Minister... But because of the Russians using salami tactics, he will probably never push the ...

Op-Ed: BDS, Anti-Semitism's New Face

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http://www.israelnationalnews.com/Articles/Article.aspx/9913#.UX72wbX-F50



Op-Ed: BDS, Anti-Semitism's New Face

Published: Sunday, January 16, 2011 2:28 PM
No need for swastikas and terrorism; Arab and Muslim countries and organizations have developed a sophisticated propaganda campaign.



Anti-Semites around the world have found a new and more subtle form of attack: Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) campaigns.
The Ramallah-based Palestinian BDS National Committee, an umbrella organization for dozens of Palestinian organizations supported by the Palestinian Authority, is a global movement. Behind anti-Israel actions by churches, unions and student groups, it is aided by the Muslim Brotherhood, with branches in 70 countries, and hundreds of campus and civic/social organizations and anti-Israel NGOs.
Wielding clichés like "apartheid," "war crimes," "stealing Palestinian land," "oppressing Palestinians," and "end the occupation," these groups seek to delegitimize and isolate Israel as part of their program to destroy Israel.
No need for swastikas and terrorism; Arab and Muslim countries and organizations have developed a sophisticated propaganda campaign, joined by Christians, atheists, socialists and anarchists dedicated to Israel's demise. Bedecked with ethics, law and justice, they insist that Israel withdraw to the 1949 Armistice lines, or 1947 UN proposed boundaries, leaving it vulnerable to terrorists. Their weapons are non-violent resistance that appeals to a sense of idealism and fair play, civil and human rights.
Backed by European governments, the UN, and Arab and Muslim organizations and countries, a host of NGOs condemn Israel as a pariah state, unworthy of existence. Their hate-campaign is currently focused on the Conference on Racism, to be held at the UN in New York City this summer.
If this were just a handful of Islamist fanatics, one might dismiss them; but they have lined up diplomatic and organizational support from many non-Muslims. That's why the campaign to delegitimize Israel is so unique and dangerous.
Anti-Israel campaigns overlap with anti-Jewish sentiments, bringing together diverse groups that are otherwise ideologically, philosophically and theologically incompatible. Hatred of Israel seems to be the single overriding issue that unites fascists and communists, anarchists and fundamentalists, religious leaders and atheists, rich and poor.
Challenging Israel's identity as a nominally Jewish state - a form of de-legitimization - seems to be an acceptable way of denying Israel's right to exist. Objecting to the right of Jews to live in areas acquired in 1967, likewise, ignores Israel's legal and historical claims, the proven consequences of withdrawal, and the dangers posed by creating another Arab Palestinian state.
Claiming the moral high ground
Paradoxically, a "two-state" plan, instead of reducing resistance to Israel, increases it. The prospect of a Palestinian state and sovereignty only raises expectations that it will replace Israeli sovereignty, and bring Israel's downfall.
By arguing against what they claim are Israel's "racist policies," its "illegal occupation of Arab lands," its "colonialism," anti-Israel groups claim moral high ground.
Decrying "the occupation as a moral disaster" for Israel, therefore, identifies Jews as "occupiers," immoral, backed by a state-sponsored immorality, a legal and historical fraud that sharpens the sword of de-legitimization and justifies BDS campaigns.
When the Gaza Strip is considered "a vast prison," for example, then attacking those who made that prison is justified.
If a Jewish, democratic state is inherently discriminatory and "racist," those who oppose it can be honored as "freedom fighters." If Israel "steals Arab lands," those who struggle to regain what is rightfully theirs are reasonable and justified. If Israeli settlements are "illegal," that crime should be punished. This ugly representation of Israel is an intentional, one-dimensional portrait of evil.
The goal of BDS campaigns is not only to remove Jewish/Israeli presence from Judea and Samaria, the Golan and eastern Jerusalem, but total Israeli surrender. Moreover, anti-Israel BDS campaigns can be used on many issues simultaneously, ad infinitum.
This explains the misconception that Palestinian leaders "never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity." It's not a mistake; it's policy - never recognize Israel's right to exist; never negotiate the refugee issue; never compromise on Jerusalem. The problem, therefore, is not territorial, but existential.
Ironically, BDS campaigns and unilateral Palestinian moves towards UN recognition and statehood sweep away illusions and clarify the real issues: Secure and recognized borders, and ending the conflict.
The convergence of BDS hate-campaigns, de-legitimization efforts, anti-settlement activities, anti-Semitism and a virulently anti-Israel media are not only dangerous to Israel; they are shameful examples of bigotry and intolerance.

Myths & Facts Online: The Refugees: JVLibrary

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Myths & Facts Online:

The Refugees

By Mitchell G. Bard


INDEX OF MYTHS:

Return to Myths & Facts: Table of Contents


MYTH

“One million Palestinians were expelled by Israel from 1947–49.” top

FACT

The Palestinians left their homes in 1947–49 for a variety of reasons. Thousands of wealthy Arabs left in anticipation of a war, thousands more responded to Arab leaders’ calls to get out of the way of the advancing armies, a handful were expelled, but most simply fled to avoid being caught in the cross fire of a battle.
Many Arabs claim that 800,000 to 1,000,000 Palestinians became refugees in 1947–49. The last census taken by the British in 1945 found approximately 1.2 million permanent Arab residents in all of Palestine. A 1949 census conducted by the government of Israel counted 160,000 Arabs living in the new state after the war. In 1947, a total of 809,100 Arabs lived in the same area.1 This meant no more than 650,000 Palestinian Arabs could have become refugees. A report by the UN Mediator on Palestine arrived at an even lower refugee figure—472,000. 2


MYTH

“Palestinians were the only people who became refugees as a result of the Arab-Israeli conflict.” top

FACT

Although much is heard about the plight of the Palestinian refugees, little is said about the Jews who fled from Arab states. Their situation had long been precarious. During the 1947 UN debates, Arab leaders threatened them. For example, Egypt’s delegate told the General Assembly: “The lives of one million Jews in Muslim countries would be jeopardized by partition.” 3
Corresponding refugees, 1948-1972
The number of Jews fleeing Arab countries for Israel in the years following Israel’s independence was nearly double the number of Arabs leaving Palestine. Many Jews were allowed to take little more than the shirts on their backs. These refugees had no desire to be repatriated. Little is heard about them because they did not remain refugees for long. Of the 820,000 Jewish refugees between 1948 and 1972, 586,000 were resettled in Israel at great expense, and without any offer of compensation from the Arab governments who confiscated their possessions. 4 Israel has consequently maintained that any agreement to compensate the Palestinian refugees must also include Arab reparations for Jewish refugees. To this day, the Arab states have refused to pay anything to the hundreds of thousands of Jews who were forced to abandon their property before fleeing those countries. Through 2010, at least 153 of the 914 UN General Assembly resolutions on the Middle East conflict (17 percent) referred directly toPalestinian refugees. Not one mentioned the Jewish refugees from Arab countries. 5
The contrast between the reception of Jewish and Palestinian refugees is even starker when one considers the difference in cultural and geographic dislocation experienced by the two groups. Most Jewish refugees traveled hundreds—and some traveled thousands—of miles to a tiny country whose inhabitants spoke a different language. Most Arab refugees never left Palestine at all; they traveled a few miles to the other side of the truce line, remaining inside the vast Arab nation that they were part of linguistically, culturally and ethnically.


MYTH

“The Jews had no intention of living peacefully with their Arab neighbors.” top

FACT

In numerous instances, Jewish leaders urged the Arabs to remain in Palestine and become citizens of Israel. The Assembly of Palestine Jewry issued this appeal on October 2, 1947:
We will do everything in our power to maintain peace, and establish a cooperation gainful to both [Jews and Arabs]. It is now, here and now, from Jerusalem itself, that a call must go out to the Arab nations to join forces with Jewry and the destined Jewish State and work shoulder to shoulder for our common good, for the peace and progress of sovereign equals. 6
On November 30, the day after the UN partition vote, the Jewish Agency announced: “The main theme behind the spontaneous celebrations we are witnessing today is our community’s desire to seek peace and its determination to achieve fruitful cooperation with the Arabs. . . .” 7
Israel’s Proclamation of Independence, issued May 14, 1948, also invited the Palestinians to remain in their homes and become equal citizens in the new state:
In the midst of wanton aggression, we yet call upon the Arab inhabitants of the State of Israel to preserve the ways of peace and play their part in the development of the State, on the basis of full and equal citizenship and due representation in all its bodies and institutions. . . . We extend our hand in peace and neighborliness to all the neighboring states and their peoples, and invite them to cooperate with the independent Jewish nation for the common good of all.


MYTH

“The Jews created the refugee problem by expelling the Palestinians.” top

FACT

Had the Arabs accepted the 1947 UN resolution, not a single Palestinian would have become a refugee. An independent Arab state would now exist beside Israel. The responsibility for the refugee problem rests with the Arabs.
The beginning of the Arab exodus can be traced to the weeks immediately following the announcement of the UN partition resolution. The first to leave were roughly 30,000 wealthy Arabs who anticipated the upcoming war and fled to neighboring Arab countries to await its end. Less affluent Arabs from the mixed cities of Palestine moved to all-Arab towns to stay with relatives or friends. 8 By the end of January 1948, the exodus was so alarming the Palestine Arab Higher Committee asked neighboring Arab countries to refuse visas to these refugees and to seal their borders against them. 9
On January 30, 1948, the Jaffa newspaper, Ash Sha’ab, reported: “The first of our fifth-column consists of those who abandon their houses and businesses and go to live elsewhere. . . . At the first signs of trouble they take to their heels to escape sharing the burden of struggle.” 10
Another Jaffa paper, As Sarih (March 30, 1948) excoriated Arab villagers near Tel Aviv for “bringing down disgrace on us all by ‘abandoning the villages.’ ” 11
Meanwhile, a leader of the Arab National Committee in Haifa, Hajj Nimer el-Khatib, said Arab soldiers in Jaffa were mistreating the residents. “They robbed individuals and homes. Life was of little value, and the honor of women was defiled. This state of affairs led many [Arab] residents to leave the city under the protection of British tanks.” 12
John Bagot Glubb, the commander of Jordan’s Arab Legion, said: “Villages were frequently abandoned even before they were threatened by the progress of war.” 13
Contemporary press reports of major battles in which large numbers of Arabs fled conspicuously fail to mention any forcible expulsion by the Jewish forces. The Arabs are usually described as “fleeing” or “evacuating” their homes. While Zionists are accused of “expelling and dispossessing” the Arab inhabitants of such towns as Tiberias and Haifa, the truth is much different. Both of those cities were within the boundaries of the Jewish State under the UN partition scheme and both were fought for by Jews and Arabs alike.
Jewish forces seized Tiberias on April 19, 1948, and the entire Arab population of 6,000 was evacuated under British military supervision. The Jewish Community Council issued a statement afterward: “We did not dispossess them; they themselves chose this course. . . . Let no citizen touch their property.” 14
In early April, an estimated 25,000 Arabs left the Haifa area following an offensive by the irregular forces led by Fawzi al-Qawukji, and rumors that Arab air forces would soon bomb the Jewish areas around Mt. Carmel. 15 On April 23, the Haganah captured Haifa. A British police report from Haifa, dated April 26, explained that “every effort is being made by the Jews to persuade the Arab populace to stay and carry on with their normal lives, to get their shops and businesses open and to be assured that their lives and interests will be safe.” 16 In fact, David Ben-Gurion sent Golda Meir to Haifa to try to persuade the Arabs to stay, but she was unable to convince them because of their fear of being judged traitors to the Arab cause. 17 By the end of the battle, more than 50,000 Palestinians had left.
“Tens of thousands of Arab men, women and children fled toward the eastern outskirts of the city in cars, trucks, carts, and afoot in a desperate attempt to reach Arab territory until the Jews captured Rushmiya Bridge toward Samaria and Northern Palestine and cut them off. Thousands rushed every available craft, even rowboats, along the waterfront, to escape by sea toward Acre.”
New York Times, (April 23, 1948)
Syria’s UN delegate, Faris el-Khouri, interrupted the UN debate on Palestine to describe the seizure of Haifa as a “massacre” and said this action was “further evidence that the ‘Zionist program’ is to annihilate Arabs within the Jewish state if partition is effected.” 18
The following day, however, the British representative at the UN, Sir Alexander Cadogan, told the delegates that the fighting in Haifa had been provoked by the continuous attacks by Arabs against Jews a few days before and that reports of massacres and deportations were erroneous. 19
The same day (April 23, 1948), Jamal Husseini, the chairman of the Palestine Higher Committee, told the UN Security Council that instead of accepting the Haganah’’s truce offer, the Arabs “preferred to abandon their homes, their belongings, and everything they possessed in the world and leave the town.” 20
The U.S. Consul-General in Haifa, Aubrey Lippincott, wrote on April 22, 1948, for example, that “local mufti-dominated Arab leaders” were urging “all Arabs to leave the city, and large numbers did so.” 21
An army order issued July 6, 1948, made clear that Arab towns and villages were not to be demolished or burned, and that Arab inhabitants were not to be expelled from their homes. 22
The Haganah did employ psychological warfare to encourage the Arabs to abandon a few villages. Yigal Allon, the commander of the Palmach, said he had Jews talk to the Arabs in neighboring villages and tell them a large Jewish force was in Galilee with the intention of burning all the Arab villages in the Lake Hula region. The Arabs were told to leave while they still had time and, according to Allon, they did exactly that. 23
In the most dramatic example, in the Ramle-Lod area, Israeli troops seeking to protect their flanks and relieve the pressure on besieged Jerusalem, forced a portion of the Arab population to go to an area a few miles away that was occupied by the Arab Legion. “The two towns had served as bases for Arab irregular units, which had frequently attacked Jewish convoys and nearby settlements, effectively barring the main road to Jerusalem to Jewish traffic.” 24
As was clear from the descriptions of what took place in the cities with the largest Arab populations, these cases were clearly the exceptions, accounting for only a small fraction of the Palestinian refugees. The expulsions were not designed to force out the entire Arab population; the areas where they took place were strategically vital and meant to prevent the threat of any rearguard action against the Israeli forces, and to ensure clear lines of communication. Historian Benny Morris notes that “in general, Haganah and IDF commanders were not forced to confront the moral dilemma posed by expulsion; most Arabs fled before and during the battle, before the Israeli troops reached their homes and before the Israeli commanders were forced to confront the dilemma.” 25


MYTH

“The Arab invasion had little impact on the Palestinian Arabs.” top

FACT

Once the invasion began in May 1948, most Arabs remaining in Palestine left for neighboring countries. Surprisingly, rather than acting as a strategicallyvaluable “fifth-column” that would fight the Jews from within the country, the Palestinians chose to flee to the safety of the other Arab states, still confident of being able to return. A leading Palestinian nationalist of the time, Musa Alami, revealed the attitude of the fleeing Arabs:
The Arabs of Palestine left their homes, were scattered, and lost everything. But there remained one solid hope: The Arab armies were on the eve of their entry into Palestine to save the country and return things to their normal course, punish the aggressor, and throw oppressive Zionism with its dreams and dangers into the sea. On May 14, 1948, crowds of Arabs stood by the roads leading to the frontiers of Palestine, enthusiastically welcoming the advancing armies. Days and weeks passed, sufficient to accomplish the sacred mission, but the Arab armies did not save the country. They did nothing but let slip from their hands Acre, Sarafand, Lydda, Ramleh, Nazareth, most of the south and the rest of the north. Then hope fled. 26
As the fighting spread into areas that had previously remained quiet, the Arabs began to see the possibility of defeat. As that possibility turned into reality, the flight of the Arabs increased—more than 300,000 departed after May 15—leaving approximately 160,000 Arabs in the State of Israel. 27
Although most of the Arabs had left by November 1948, there were still those who chose to leave even after hostilities ceased. An interesting case was the evacuation of 3,000 Arabs from Faluja, a village between Tel Aviv and Beersheba:
Observers feel that with proper counsel after the Israeli-Egyptian armistice, the Arab population might have advantageously remained. They state that the Israeli Government had given guarantees of security of person and property. However, no effort was made by Egypt, Transjordan or even the United Nations Palestine Conciliation Commission to advise the Faluja Arabs one way or the other. 28


MYTH

“Arab leaders never encouraged the Palestinians to flee.” top

FACT

Despite revisionist historical attempts to deny that Palestinians were encouraged to leave their homes, a plethora of evidence demonstrates that the Palestinians who later became refugees were indeed told to leave their homes to make way for the invading Arab armies. In fact, in recent years, more Palestinians have come forward to candidly admit this truth.
The Economist, a frequent critic of the Zionists, reported on October 2, 1948: “Of the 62,000 Arabs who formerly lived in Haifa not more than 5,000 or 6,000 remained. Various factors influenced their decision to seek safety in flight. There is but little doubt that the most potent of the factors were the announcements made over the air by the Higher Arab Executive, urging the Arabs to quit. . . . It was clearly intimated that those Arabs who remained in Haifa and accepted Jewish protection would be regarded as renegades.”
“The [refugee] problem was a direct consequence of the war that the Palestinians—and . . . ​surrounding Arab states—had launched.”
— Israeli historian Benny Morris 29
Time’s report of the battle for Haifa (May 3, 1948) was similar: “The mass evacuation, prompted partly by fear, partly by orders of Arab leaders, left the Arab quarter of Haifa a ghost city. . . . By withdrawing Arab workers their leaders hoped to paralyze Haifa.” 30
Starting in December 1947, historian Benny Morris said, “Arab officers ordered the complete evacuation of specific villages in certain areas, lest their inhabitants ‘treacherously’ acquiesce in Israeli rule or hamper Arab military deployments.” He concluded, “There can be no exaggerating the importance of these early Arab-initiated evacuations in the demoralization, and eventual exodus, of the remaining rural and urban populations.” 31
The Arab National Committee in Jerusalem, following the March 8, 1948, instructions of the Arab Higher Committee, ordered women, children and the elderly in various parts of Jerusalem to leave their homes: “Any opposition to this order . . . ​is an obstacle to the holy war . . . ​and will hamper the operations of the fighters in these districts.” The Arab Higher Committee also ordered the evacuation of “several dozen villages, as well as the removal of dependents from dozens more” in April-July 1948. “The invading Arab armies also occasionally ordered whole villages to depart, so as not to be in their way.” 32
Morris also said that in early May units of the Arab Legion ordered the evacuation of all women and children from the town of Beisan. The Arab Liberation Army was also reported to have ordered the evacuation of another village south of Haifa. The departure of the women and children, Morris says, “tended to sap the morale of the menfolk who were left behind to guard the homes and fields, contributing ultimately to the final evacuation of villages. Such two-tier evacuation—women and children first, the men following weeks later—occurred in Qumiya in the Jezreel Valley, among the Awarna bedouin in Haifa Bay and in various other places.”
In his memoirs, Haled al Azm, the Syrian Prime Minister in 1948–49, also admitted the Arab role in persuading the refugees to leave:
“Since 1948 we have been demanding the return of the refugees to their homes. But we ourselves are the ones who encouraged them to leave. Only a few months separated our call to them to leave and our appeal to the United Nations to resolve on their return.”33
Who gave such orders? Leaders such as Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri Said, who declared: “We will smash the country with our guns and obliterate every place the Jews seek shelter in. The Arabs should conduct their wives and children to safe areas until the fighting has died down.” 34
The Secretary of the Arab League Office in London, Edward Atiyah, wrote in his book, The Arabs: “This wholesale exodus was due partly to the belief of the Arabs, encouraged by the boastings of an unrealistic Arabic press and the irresponsible utterances of some of the Arab leaders that it could be only a matter of weeks before the Jews were defeated by the armies of the Arab States and the Palestinian Arabs enabled to re-enter and retake possession of their country.” 35
“The refugees were confident their absence would not last long, and that they would return within a week or two,” Monsignor George Hakim, a Greek Orthodox Catholic Bishop of Galilee told the Beirut newspaper, Sada al-Janub (August 16, 1948). “Their leaders had promised them that the Arab Armies would crush the ’Zionist gangs’ very quickly and that there was no need for panic or fear of a long exile.”
“The Arab States encouraged the Palestine Arabs to leave their homes temporarily in order to be out of the way of the Arab invasion armies,” according to the Jordanian newspaper Filastin, (February 19, 1949).
One refugee quoted in the Jordan newspaper, Ad Difaa (September 6, 1954), said: “The Arab government told us: Get out so that we can get in. So we got out, but they did not get in.”
“The Secretary-General of the Arab League, Azzam Pasha, assured the Arab peoples that the occupation of Palestine and Tel Aviv would be as simple as a military promenade,” said Habib Issa in the New York Lebanese paper, Al Hoda (June 8, 1951). “He pointed out that they were already on the frontiers and that all the millions the Jews had spent on land and economic development would be easy booty, for it would be a simple matter to throw Jews into the Mediterranean. . . . Brotherly advice was given to the Arabs of Palestine to leave their land, homes and property and to stay temporarily in neighboring fraternal states, lest the guns of the invading Arab armies mow them down.”
The Arabs’ fear was exacerbated by stories of Jewish atrocities following the attack on Deir Yassin. The native population lacked leaders who could calm them; their spokesmen were operating from the safety of neighboring states and did more to arouse their fears than to pacify them. Local military leaders were of little or no comfort. In one instance the commander of Arab troops in Safed went to Damascus. The following day, his troops withdrew from the town. When the residents realized they were defenseless, they fled in panic.
“As Palestinian military power was swiftly and dramatically crushed, and the Haganah demonstrated almost unchallenged superiority in successive battles,” Benny Morris noted, “Arab morale cracked, giving way to general, blind, panic, or a ‘psychosis of flight,’ as one IDF intelligence report put it.” 36
Dr. Walid al-Qamhawi, a former member of the Executive Committee of the PLO, agreed “it was collective fear, moral disintegration and chaos in every field that exiled the Arabs of Tiberias, Haifa and dozens of towns and villages.” 37
As panic spread throughout Palestine, the early trickle of refugees became a flood, numbering more than 200,000 by the time the provisional government declared the independence of the State of Israel.
Even Jordan’s King Abdullah, writing in his memoirs, blamed Palestinian leaders for the refugee problem:
The tragedy of the Palestinians was that most of their leaders had paralyzed them with false and unsubstantiated promises that they were not alone; that 80 million Arabs and 400 million Muslims would instantly and miraculously come to their rescue. 38
These accounts have been bolstered by more recent statements by Palestinians who have become fed up with the phony narrative concocted by some Palestinian and Israeli academics. Asmaa Jabir Balasimah, for example, recalled her flight from Israel in 1948:
We heard sounds of explosions and of gunfire at the beginning of the summer in the year of the “Catastrophe” [1948]. They told us: The Jews attacked our region and it is better to evacuate the village and return, after the battle is over. And indeed there were among us [who fled Israel] those who left a fire burning under the pot, those who left their flock [of sheep] and those who left their money and gold behind, based on the assumption that we would return after a few hours. 39
An Arab resident of a Palestinian refugee camp explained why his family left Israel in 1948:
The radio stations of the Arab regimes kept repeating to us: ‘Get away from the battle lines. It’s a matter of ten days or two weeks at the most, and we’ll bring you back to Ein-Kerem [near Jerusalem].’ And we said to ourselves, ‘That’s a very long time. What is this? Two weeks? That’s a lot!’ That’s what we thought [then]. And now 50 years have gone by. 40
Mahmoud Al-Habbash, a Palestinian journalist wrote in the Palestinian Authority’s official newspaper:
. . . The leaders and the elites promised us at the beginning of the “Catastrophe” in 1948, that the duration of the exile will not be long, and that it will not last more than a few days or months, and afterwards the refugees will return to their homes, which most of them did not leave only until they put their trust in those “Arkuvian” promises made by the leaders and the political elites. Afterwards, days passed, months, years and decades, and the promises were lost with the strain of the succession of events . . . ​[“Arkuvian” is a reference to Arkuv, a figure from Arab tradition known for breaking promises and lying.] 41
Another Palestinian journalist, Jawad Al Bashiti, explained the cause of the “Catastrophe”:
The following happened: the first war between Arabs and Israel had started and the “Arab Salvation Army” came and told the Palestinians: ‘We have come to you in order to liquidate the Zionists and their state. Leave your houses and villages, you will return to them in a few days safely. Leave them so we can fulfill our mission (destroy Israel) in the best way and so you won’t be hurt.’ It became clear already then, when it was too late, that the support of the Arab states (against Israel) was a big illusion. Arabs fought as if intending to cause the “Palestinian Catastrophe.” 42
“The Arab armies entered Palestine to protect the Palestinians from the Zionist tyranny but, instead, they abandoned them, forced them to emigrate and to leave their homeland, and threw them into prisons similar to the ghettos in which the Jews used to live.”
— Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas 43

MYTH

“The Palestinian Arabs had to flee to avoid being massacred like the peaceful villagers in Deir Yassin.” top

FACT

The United Nations resolved that Jerusalem would be an international city apart from the Arab and Jewish states demarcated in the partition resolution. The 150,000 Jewish inhabitants were under constant military pressure; the 2,500 Jews living in the Old City were victims of an Arab blockade that lasted five months before they were forced to surrender on May 29, 1948. Prior to the surrender, and throughout the siege on Jerusalem, Jewish convoys tried to reach the city to alleviate the food shortage, which, by April, had become critical.
Deir Yassin after the attack
Meanwhile, the Arab forces, which had engaged in sporadic and unorganized ambushes since December 1947, began to make an organized attempt to cut off the highway linking Tel Aviv with —the city’s only supply route. The Arabs controlled several strategic vantage points, which overlooked the highway and enabled them to fire on the convoys trying to reach the beleaguered city with supplies. Deir Yassin was situated on a hill, about 2,600 feet high, which commanded a wide view of the vicinity and was located less than a mile from the suburbs of Jerusalem44
On April 6, Operation Nachshon was launched to open the road to Jerusalem. The village of Deir Yassin was included on the list of Arab villages to be occupied as part of the operation. The following day Haganahcommander David Shaltiel wrote to the leaders of the Lehi and Irgun:
I learn that you plan an attack on Deir Yassin. I wish to point out that the capture of Deir Yassin and its holding are one stage in our general plan. I have no objection to your carrying out the operation provided you are able to hold the village. If you are unable to do so I warn you against blowing up the village which will result in its inhabitants abandoning it and its ruins and deserted houses being occupied by foreign forces. . . . Furthermore, if foreign forces took over, this would upset our general plan for establishing an airfield. 45
The Irgun decided to attack Deir Yassin on April 9, while the Haganah was still engaged in the battle for Kastel. This was the first major Irgun attack against the Arabs. Previously, the Irgun and Lehi had concentrated their attacks against the British.
According to Irgun leader Menachem Begin, the assault was carried out by 100 members of that organization; other authors say it was as many as 132 men from both groups. Begin stated that a small open truck fitted with a loudspeaker was driven to the entrance of the village before the attack and broadcast a warning for civilians to evacuate the area, which many did. 46 Most writers say the warning was never issued because the truck with the loudspeaker rolled into a ditch before it could broadcast the warning. 47 One of the fighters said, the ditch was filled in and the truck continued on to the village. “One of us called out on the loudspeaker in Arabic, telling the inhabitants to put down their weapons and flee. I don’t know if they heard, and I know these appeals had no effect.” 48
Contrary to revisionist histories that say the town was filled with peaceful innocents, evidence shows that both residents and foreign troops opened fire on the attackers. One Irgun fighter described his experience:
My unit stormed and passed the first row of houses. I was among the first to enter the village. There were a few other guys with me, each encouraging the other to advance. At the top of the street I saw a man in khaki clothing running ahead. I thought he was one of ours. I ran after him and told him, “advance to that house.” Suddenly he turned around, aimed his rifle and shot. He was an Iraqi soldier. I was hit in the foot. 49
The battle was ferocious and took several hours. The Irgun suffered 41 casualties, including four dead.
Surprisingly, after the “massacre,” the Irgun escorted a representative of the Red Cross through the town and held a press conference. The New York Times’ subsequent description of the battle was essentially the same as Begin’s. The Times said more than 200 Arabs were killed, 40 captured and 70 women and children were released. No hint of a massacre appeared in the report. 50
“Paradoxically, the Jews say about 250 out of 400 village inhabitants [were killed], while Arab survivors say only 110 of 1,000.” 51 A study by Bir Zeit University, based on discussions with each family from the village, arrived at a figure of 107 Arab civilians dead and 12 wounded, in addition to 13 “fighters,” evidence that the number of dead was smaller than claimed and that the village did have troops based there. 52 Other Arab sources have subsequently suggested the number may have been even lower. 53
In fact, the attackers left open an escape corridor from the village and more than 200 residents left unharmed. For example, at 9:30 A.M., about five hours after the fighting started, the Lehi evacuated 40 old men, women and children on trucks and took them to a base in Sheik Bader. Later, the Arabs were taken to East Jerusalem. Seeing the Arabs in the hands of Jews also helped raise the morale of the people of Jerusalem who were despondent from the setbacks in the fighting to that point. 54 Another source says 70 women and children were taken away and turned over to the British.55 If the intent was to massacre the inhabitants, no one would have been evacuated.
After the remaining Arabs feigned surrender and then fired on the Jewish troops, some Jews killed Arab soldiers and civilians indiscriminately. None of the sources specify how many women and children were killed (the Times report said it was about half the victims; their original casualty figure came from the Irgun source), but there were some among the casualties.
At least some of the women who were killed became targets because of men who tried to disguise themselves as women. The Irgun commander reported, for example, that the attackers “found men dressed as women and therefore they began to shoot at women who did not hasten to go down to the place designated for gathering the prisoners.” 56Another story was told by a member of the Haganah who overheard a group of Arabs from Deir Yassin who said “the Jews found out that Arab warriors had disguised themselves as women. The Jews searched the women too. One of the people being checked realized he had been caught, took out a pistol and shot the Jewish commander. His friends, crazed with anger, shot in all directions and killed the Arabs in the area.” 57
Contrary to claims from Arab propagandists at the time, and some since, no evidence has ever been produced that any women were raped. On the contrary, every villager ever interviewed has denied these allegations. Like many of the claims, this was a deliberate propaganda ploy, but one that backfired. Hazam Nusseibi, who worked for the Palestine Broadcasting Service in 1948, admitted being told by Hussein Khalidi, a Palestinian Arab leader, to fabricate the atrocity claims. Abu Mahmud, a Deir Yassin resident in 1948 told Khalidi “there was no rape,” but Khalidi replied, “We have to say this, so the Arab armies will come to liberate Palestine from the Jews.” Nusseibeh told the BBC 50 years later, “This was our biggest mistake. We did not realize how our people would react. As soon as they heard that women had been raped at Deir Yassin, Palestinians fled in terror.” 58
The Jewish Agency, upon learning of the attack, immediately expressed its “horror and disgust.” It also sent a letter expressing the Agency’s shock and disapproval to Transjordan’s King Abdullah.
Arab radio stations broadcast accounts of what happened over the days and weeks that followed and the Arab Higher Committee hoped exaggerated reports about a “massacre” at Deir Yassin would shock the population of the Arab countries into bringing pressure on their governments to intervene in Palestine. Instead, the immediate impact was to stimulate a new Palestinian exodus.
Just four days after the reports from Deir Yassin were published, an Arab force ambushed a Jewish convoy on the way to Hadassah Hospital, killing 77 Jews, including doctors, nurses, patients, and the director of the hospital. Another 23 people were injured. This premeditated massacre attracted little attention and is never mentioned by those who are quick to bring up Deir Yassin. Moreover, despite attacks such as this against the Jewish community in Palestine, in which more than 500 Jews were killed in the first four months after the partition decision alone, Jews did not flee.
The Palestinians knew, despite their rhetoric to the contrary, the Jews were not trying to annihilate them; otherwise, they would not have been allowed to evacuate TiberiasHaifaor any of the other towns captured by the Jews. Moreover, the Palestinians could find sanctuary in nearby states. The Jews, however, had no place to run had they wanted to. They were willing to fight to the death for their country. It came to that for many, because the Arabs were interested in annihilating the Jews, as Secretary-General of the Arab League Abd Al-Rahman Azzam Pasha made clear in an interview with an Egyptian newspaper (October 11, 1947): “Personally, I hope that the Jews will not force this war upon us, because it will be a war of annihilation. It will be a momentous massacre in history that will be talked about like the massacres of the Mongols or the Crusades.” 59
References to Deir Yassin have remained a staple of anti-Israel propaganda for decades because the incident was unique.


MYTH

“Israel refused to allow Palestinians to return to their homes so Jews could steal their property.” top

FACT

Israel could not simply agree to allow all Palestinians to return, but consistently sought a solution to the refugee problem. Israel’s position was expressed by David Ben-Gurion(August 1, 1948):
When the Arab states are ready to conclude a peace treaty with Israel this question will come up for constructive solution as part of the general settlement, and with due regard to our counter-claims in respect of the destruction of Jewish life and property, the long-term interest of the Jewish and Arab populations, the stability of the State of Israel and the durability of the basis of peace between it and its neighbors, the actual position and fate of the Jewish communities in the Arab countries, the responsibilities of the Arab governments for their war of aggression and their liability for reparation, will all be relevant in the question whether, to what extent, and under what conditions, the former Arab residents of the territory of Israel should be allowed to return. 60
The Israeli government was not indifferent to the plight of the refugees; an ordinance was passed creating a Custodian of Abandoned Property “to prevent unlawful occupation of empty houses and business premises, to administer ownerless property, and also to secure tilling of deserted fields, and save the crops. . . .” 61
The implied danger of repatriation did not prevent Israel from allowing some refugees to return and offering to take back a substantial number as a condition for signing a peace treaty. In 1949, Israel offered to allow families that had been separated during the war to return, to release refugee accounts frozen in Israeli banks (eventually released in 1953), to pay compensation for abandoned lands and to repatriate 100,000 refugees. 62
The Arabs rejected all the Israeli compromises. They were unwilling to take any action that might be construed as recognition of Israel. They made repatriation a precondition for negotiations, something Israel rejected. The result was the confinement of the refugees in camps.
Despite the position taken by the Arab states, Israel did release the Arab refugees’ blocked bank accounts, which totaled more than $10 million, paid thousands of claimants cash compensation and granted thousands of acres as alternative holdings.


MYTH

“UN resolutions call for Israel to repatriate all Palestinian refugees.” top

FACT

The United Nations took up the refugee issue and adopted Resolution 194 on December 11, 1948. This called upon the Arab states and Israel to resolve all outstanding issues through negotiations either directly, or with the help of the Palestine Conciliation Commission established by this resolution. Furthermore, Point 11 resolves:
that refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date, and that compensation should be paid for property of those choosing not to return and for loss of or damage to property which under principles of international law or in equity should be made good by Governments or authorities responsible. Instructs the Conciliation Commission to facilitate the repatriation, resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of refugees and payment of compensation . . . ​(emphasis added).
The emphasized words demonstrate that the UN recognized that Israel could not be expected to repatriate a hostile population that might endanger its security. The solution to the problem, like all previous refugee problems, would require at least some Palestinians to be resettled in Arab lands. Furthermore, the resolution uses the word “should” instead of “shall,” which, in legal terms, is not mandatory language.
The resolution met most of Israel’s concerns regarding the refugees, whom they regarded as a potential fifth-column if allowed to return unconditionally. The Israelis considered the settlement of the refugee issue a negotiable part of an overall peace settlement. As President Chaim Weizmann explained: “We are anxious to help such resettlement provided that real peace is established and the Arab states do their part of the job. The solution of the Arab problem can be achieved only through an all-around Middle East development scheme, toward which the United Nations, the Arab states and Israel will make their respective contributions.” 63
“The Palestinian demand for the ‘right of return’ is totally unrealistic and would have to be solved by means of financial compensation and resettlement in Arab countries.”
— Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak 64
At the time the Israelis did not expect the refugees to be a major issue; they thought the Arab states would resettle the majority and some compromise on the remainder could be worked out in the context of an overall settlement. The Arabs were no more willing to compromise in 1949, however, than they had been in 1947. In fact, they unanimously rejected the UN resolution.
The UN discussions on refugees had begun in the summer of 1948, before Israel had completed its military victory; consequently, the Arabs still believed they could win the war and allow the refugees to return triumphant. The Arab position was expressed by Emile Ghoury, the Secretary of the Arab Higher Committee:
It is inconceivable that the refugees should be sent back to their homes while they are occupied by the Jews, as the latter would hold them as hostages and maltreat them. The very proposal is an evasion of responsibility by those responsible. It will serve as a first step towards Arab recognition of the State of Israel and partition.65
The Arabs demanded that the United Nations assert the “right” of the Palestinians to return to their homes, and were unwilling to accept anything less until after their defeat had become obvious. The Arabs then reinterpreted Resolution 194 as granting the refugees the absolute right of repatriation and have demanded that Israel accept this interpretation ever since. Regardless of the interpretation, 194, like other General Assembly resolutions, is not legally binding.


MYTH

“Palestinians who wanted to return to their homes posed no danger to Israeli security.” top

FACT

When plans for setting up a state were made in early 1948, Jewish leaders in Palestine expected the new nation to include a significant Arab population. From the Israeli perspective, the refugees had been given an opportunity to stay in their homes and be a part of the new state. Approximately 160,000 Arabs had chosen to do so. To repatriate those who had fled would be, in the words of Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett, “suicidal folly.” 66
In the Arab world, the refugees were viewed as a potential fifth-column within Israel. As one Lebanese paper wrote:
The return of the refugees should create a large Arab majority that would serve as the most effective means of reviving the Arab character of Palestine, while forming a powerful fifth-column for the day of revenge and reckoning. 67
The Arabs believed the return of the refugees would virtually guarantee the destruction of Israel, a sentiment expressed by Egyptian Foreign Minister Muhammad Salah al-Din:
It is well-known and understood that the Arabs, in demanding the return of the refugees to Palestine, mean their return as masters of the Homeland and not as slaves. With a greater clarity, they mean the liquidation of the State of Israel. 68
The plight of the refugees remained unchanged after the Suez War. In fact, even the rhetoric stayed the same. In 1957, the Refugee Conference at Homs, Syria, passed a resolution stating:
Any discussion aimed at a solution of the Palestine problem which will not be based on ensuring the refugees’ right to annihilate Israel will be regarded as a desecration of the Arab people and an act of treason. 69
A parallel can be drawn to the time of the American Revolution, during which many colonists who were loyal to England fled to Canada. The British wanted the newly formed republic to allow the loyalists to return to claim their property. Benjamin Franklin rejected this suggestion in a letter to Richard Oswald, the British negotiator, dated November 26, 1782:
Your ministers require that we should receive again into our bosom those who have been our bitterest enemies and restore their properties who have destroyed ours: and this while the wounds they have given us are still bleeding! 70


MYTH

“The Palestinian refugees were ignored by an uncaring world.” top

FACT

The General Assembly voted on November 19, 1948, to establish the United Nations Relief For Palestinian Refugees (UNRPR) to dispense aid to the refugees. Since then, more than 150 resolutions have been adopted that refer to Palestinian refugees, roughly 17 percent of all the resolutions on the conflict. 71
The UNRPR was replaced by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) on December 8, 1949. UNRWA was designed to continue the relief program initiated by the UNRPR, substitute public works for direct relief and promote economic development. The proponents of the plan envisioned that direct relief would be almost completely replaced by public works, with the remaining assistance provided by the Arab governments.
UNRWA had little chance of success, however, because it sought to solve a political problem using an economic approach. By the mid-1950s, it was evident neither the refugees nor the Arab states were prepared to cooperate on the large-scale development projects originally foreseen by the Agency as a means of alleviating the Palestinians’ situation. The Arab governments, and the refugees themselves, were unwilling to contribute to any plan that could be interpreted as fostering resettlement. They preferred to cling to their interpretation of Resolution 194, which they believed would eventually result in repatriation.

Palestinian Refugees in UNRWA Camps (December 2010) 72

Field of Operations
Official Camps
Registered Refugees
Registered Refugees in Camps
10
1,999,466
350,899
12
455,373
227,718
9
495,970
149,822
19
848,494
206,123
8
1,167,361
518,147
Agency total
58
4,966,664
1,452,709

MYTH

“The Arab states have provided most of the funds for helping the Palestinian refugees.” top

FACT

While Jewish refugees from Arab countries received no international assistance, Palestinians received millions of dollars through UNRWA. Initially, the United States contributed $25 million and Israel nearly $3 million. The total Arab pledges amounted to approximately $600,000. For the first 20 years, the United States provided more than two-thirds of the funds, while the Arab states contributed a tiny fraction.
For many years, Israel donated more funds to UNRWA than most Arab states. The Saudis did not match Israel’s contribution until 1973; Kuwait and Libya, not until 1980. After transferring responsibility for virtually the entire Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to the Palestinian AuthorityIsrael no longer controlled any refugee campsand in 1997 ceased contributing to UNRWA.
In 2010, the United States donated $228 million (approximately 20 percent) of UNRWA’s more than $1.23 billion cash budget. Since 1950, the U.S. has contributed more than $4 billion, making it by far the largest donor. Despite their rhetorical support for the Palestinians, only two Arab countries are among UNRWA’s top 10 donors, Nine other Arab states made nominal contributions. Interestingly, the total 2011 budget for the UN High Committee on Refugees (UNHCR), which handles all the world’s non-Palestinian refugees, is only $2.78 billion. 73
In addition to receiving annual funding from UNRWA for the refugees, the PA has received billions of dollars in international aid, most of which has come from Europe, the United States and other countries outside the region.
Given the amount of aid (approximately $1.45 billion in 2009) the PA has received from the international community, it is shocking that more than half a million Palestinians underPA control are being forced by their own leaders to remain in squalid camps. The PA has failed to build a single house to allow even one family to move out of a refugee camp into permanent housing. In the Gaza Strip, the Palestinians had insisted before the disengagement that Israel demolish all the homes of the Jewish settlers so they could build high-rise apartment buildings for refugees. Six years later, not a single brick had been laid.


MYTH

“The Arab states have always welcomed the Palestinians.” top

FACT

UNRWA camps, 2003
No one expected the refugee problem to persist after the 1948 war. John Blandford Jr., the Director of UNRWA, wrote in his report on November 29, 1951, that he expected the Arab governments to assume responsibility for relief by July 1952. Moreover, Blandford stressed the need to end relief operations: “Sustained relief operations inevitably contain the germ of human deterioration.” 74 In 1952, the UNRWA set up a fund of $200 million to provide homes and jobs for the refugees, but it went untouched.
Meanwhile, Jordan was the only Arab country to welcome the Palestinians and grant some citizenship (Gazans were excluded). King Abdullah considered the Palestinian Arabs and Jordanians one people. By 1950, he annexed the West Bank and forbade the use of the term Palestine in official documents. 75 In 2004, Jordan began revoking the citizenship of Palestinians who do not have the Israeli permits that are necessary to reside in the West Bank.76
Although demographic figures indicated ample room for settlement existed in Syria, Damascus refused to consider accepting any refugees, except those who might refuse repatriation. Syria also declined to resettle 85,000 refugees in 1952–54, though it had been offered international funds to pay for the project. Iraq was also expected to accept a large number of refugees, but proved unwilling. Likewise, Lebanon insisted it had no room for the Palestinians.
After the 1948 war, Egypt controlled the Gaza Strip and its more than 200,000 inhabitants, but refused to allow the Palestinians into Egypt or permit them to move elsewhere. Saudi Arabian radio compared Egypt’s treatment of Palestinians in Gaza to Hitler’s rule in occupied Europe. 77
Little has changed in succeeding years. Arab governments have frequently offered jobs, housing, land and other benefits to Arabs and non-Arabs, excluding Palestinians. For example, Saudi Arabia chose not to use unemployed Palestinian refugees to alleviate its labor shortage in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s. Instead, thousands of South Koreans and other Asians were recruited to fill jobs.
The situation grew even worse in the wake of the 1991 Gulf WarKuwait, which employed large numbers of Palestinians but denied them citizenship, expelled more than 300,000 Palestinians. “If people pose a security threat, as a sovereign country we have the right to exclude anyone we don’t want,” said Kuwaiti Ambassador to the United States, Saud Nasir Al-Sabah. 79
“The Arab States do not want to solve the refugee problem. They want to keep it as an open sore, as an affront to the United Nations and as a weapon against Israel. Arab leaders don’t give a damn whether the refugees live or die.”
— Sir Alexander Gallowayformer head of UNRWA in Jordan (April 1952) 78
Today, Palestinian refugees in Lebanon do not have social and civil rights, and have very limited access to public health or educational facilities. The majority relies entirely onUNRWA as the sole provider of education, health, and relief and social services. Considered foreigners, Palestinian refugees are prohibited by law from working in more than 70 trades and professions.80
The Palestinian refugees held the UN responsible for ameliorating their condition; nevertheless, many Palestinians were unhappy with the treatment they were receiving from their Arab brethren. Some, like Palestinian nationalist leader Musa Alami were incredulous: “It is shameful that the Arab governments should prevent the Arab refugees from working in their countries and shut the doors in their faces and imprison them in camps.” 81 Most refugees, however, focused their discontentment on “the Zionists,” whom they blamed for their predicament rather than the vanquished Arab armies.
“I briefly visited the Balata refugee camp with its 20,000 residents. The camp is inside the West Bank city of Nablus—that is, within the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority (PA) . . . ​Balata’s children, like the children in similar camps in Gaza and neighboring Arab countries, are nurtured on the myth that someday soon they will return in triumph to their ancestors’ homes by the Mediterranean Sea. While awaiting redemption, Balata’s residents are prohibited, by the Palestinian Authority, from building homes outside the camp’s official boundaries.”
— Sol Stern 82

MYTH

“Millions of Palestinians are confined by Israel to refugee camps.” top

FACT

By 2011, the number of Palestinian refugees on UNRWA rolls had risen to nearly five million, several times the number that left Palestine in 1948. One-third of the registered Palestine refugees, about 5 million, live in 58 recognized refugee camps in JordanLebanonSyria, the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The other two-thirds of the registered refugees live in and around the cities and towns of the host countries, and in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, often in the environs of official camps. 83
During the years that Israel controlled the Gaza Strip, a consistent effort was made to get the Palestinians into permanent housing. The Palestinians opposed the idea because the frustrated and bitter inhabitants of the camps provided the various terrorist factions with their manpower. Moreover, the Arab states routinely pushed for the adoption of UN resolutions demanding that Israel desist from the removal of Palestinian refugees from camps in Gaza and the West Bank84 They preferred to keep the Palestinians as symbols of Israeli “oppression.”
Journalist Netty Gross visited Gaza and asked an official why the camps there hadn’t been dismantled. She was told the Palestinian Authority had made a “political decision” not to do anything for the more than 650,000 Palestinians living in the camps until the final-status talks with Israel took place.85
The Palestinians have received billions of dollars in international aid since 1993, but have not moved the refugees into permanent housing. The refugees who remain in camps are there only because the host Arab governments and the Palestinian Authority keep them there.
“If refugees return to Israel, Israel will cease to exist.”
— Gamal Nasser86

MYTH

“The Palestinians are the only refugee population barred from returning to their homes.” top

FACT

After World War II, 12.5 million Germans in Poland and Czechoslovakia were expelled and allowed to take only those possessions they could carry. They received no compensation for confiscated property. World War II’s effects on Poland’s boundaries and population were considered “accomplished facts” that could not be reversed after the war. No one in Germany petitions today for the right of these millions of deportees and their children to return to the countries they were expelled from despite the fact that they and their ancestors had lived in those places for hundreds of years.
Another country seriously affected by World War II was Finland, which was forced to give up almost one-eighth of its land and absorb more than 400,000 refugees (11 percent of the nation’s population) from the Soviet Union. Unlike Israel, these were the losers of the war. There was no aid for their resettlement.
Perhaps an even better analogy can be seen in Turkey’s integration of 150,000 Turkish refugees from Bulgaria in 1950. The difference between the Turks’ handling of their refugees and the Arab states’ treatment of the Palestinians was the attitude of the respective governments. As the Des Moines Register noted:
Turkey has had a bigger refugee problem than either Syria or Lebanon and almost as big as Egypt has. . . . But you seldom hear about them because the Turks have done such a good job of resettling them. . . . The big difference is in spirit. The Turks, reluctant as they were to take on the burden, accepted it as a responsibility and set to work to clean it up as fast as possible. 87
Had the Arab states wanted to alleviate the refugees’ suffering, they could easily have adopted an attitude similar to Turkey’s.
Another massive population transfer resulted from the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. The eight million Hindus who fled Pakistan and the six million Muslims who left India were afraid of becoming a minority in their respective countries. Like the Palestinians, these people wanted to avoid being caught in the middle of the violence that engulfed their nations. In contrast to the Arab-Israeli conflict, however, the exchange of populations was considered the best solution to the problem of communal relations within the two states. Despite the enormous number of refugees and the relative poverty of the two nations involved, no special international relief organizations were established to aid them in resettlement.
“. . . if there were a Palestinian state, why would its leaders want their potential citizens to be repatriated to another state? From a nation-building perspective it makes no sense. In fact, the original discussions about repatriation took place at a time that there was no hope of a Palestinian state. With the possibility of that state emerging, the Palestinians must decide if they want to view themselves as a legitimate state or if it is more important for them to keep their self-defined status as oppressed, stateless refugees. They really can’t be both.”
— Fredelle Spiegel 88

MYTH

“Israel expelled more Palestinians in 1967.” top

FACT

After ignoring Israeli warnings to stay out of the war, Jordan’s King Hussein launched an attack on Jerusalem, Israel’s capital. UNRWA estimated that during the fighting 175,000 of its registrants fled for a second time and approximately 350,000 fled for the first time. About 200,000 moved to Jordan, 115,000 to Syria and approximately 35,000 left Sinai for Egypt. Most of the Arabs who left came from the West Bank.
Israel allowed some West Bank Arabs to return. In 1967, more than 9,000 families were reunited and, by 1971, Israel had readmitted 40,000 refugees. By contrast, in July 1968, Jordan prohibited people intending to remain in the East Bank from emigrating from the West Bank and Gaza. 89
When the Security Council empowered UN Secretary-General U Thant to send a representative to inquire into the welfare of civilians in the wake of the war, he instructed the mission to investigate the treatment of Jewish minorities in Arab countries, as well as Arabs in Israeli-occupied territory. SyriaIraq and Egypt refused to permit the UN representative to carry out his investigation. 90
“The demand that the refugees be returned to Israeli territory must be rejected, because if that were to happen, there would be two Palestinian states and no state at all for the Jewish people.”
— Amos Oz 91

MYTH

“All Palestinian refugees must be given the option to return to their homes.” top

FACT

According to UNRWA, as of 2011, there were nearly five million Palestinian refugeesDoes Israel have any obligation to take in some or all of those people?
The current Israeli population is approximately 7.7 million, 5.8 million are Jews. If every Palestinian refugee was allowed to move to Israel, the population would exceed 12 million and the Jewish proportion would shrink from 75% to 46%. The Jews would be a minority in their own country, the very situation they fought to avoid in 1948, and which the UN expressly ruled out in deciding on a partition of Palestine.
Current peace talks are based on UN Resolution 242. The Palestinians are not mentioned anywhere in Resolution 242. They are only alluded to in the second clause of the second article of 242, which calls for “a just settlement of the refugee problem.” The generic term “refugee” may also be applied to the Jewish refugees from Arab lands.
Furthermore, most Palestinians now live in historic Palestine, which is an area including the Palestinian Authority and Jordan. When Palestinians demand to return to Palestine they are referring not just to the area, but to the houses they lived in prior to 1948. These homes are either gone or inhabited now.
Even respected Palestinian leaders acknowledge that it is a mistake to insist that millions of refugees return to Israel. Palestinian intellectual Sari Nusseibeh, for example, said the refugees should be resettled in a future Palestinian state, “not in a way that would undermine the existence of the State of Israel as a predominantly Jewish state. Otherwise, what does a two-state solution mean?” 92 In leaked cables from the Palestinian negotiating team, PA President Mahmoud Abbas admitted this as well. “On numbers of refugees,” he said, “it is illogical to ask Israel to take 5 million, or indeed 1 million—that would mean the end of Israel.” 93
In the context of a peace settlement, Israel has offered to accept some refugees, as Ben-Gurion said he would do more than 50 years ago. If and when a Palestinian state is created, most, if not all of the refugees should be allowed to move there, but the Palestinian leadership has expressed little interest in absorbing these people.

Notes top
1 Arieh Avneri, The Claim of Dispossesion, (NJ: Transaction Books, 1984), p. 272; Benjamin Kedar, The Changing Land Between the Jordan and the Sea, (Israel: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Press, 1999), p. 206; Paul Johnson, A History of the Jews, (NY: Harper & Row, 1987), p. 529. Efraim Karsh analyzed rural and urban population statistics and concluded the total number of refugees was 583,000–609,000. Karsh, “How Many Palestinian Refugees Were There?” Israel Affairs, (April 2011).
2 Progress Report of the United Nations Mediator on Palestine, Submitted to the Secretary-General for Transmission to the Members of the United Nations, General Assembly Official Records: Third Session, Supplement No. 11 (A/648), Paris, 1948, p. 47 and Supplement No. 11A (A/689 and A/689/Add.1, p. 5; and “Conclusions from Progress Report of the United Nations Mediator on Palestine,” (September 16, 1948), U.N. doc. A/648 (part 1, p. 29; part 2, p. 23; part 3, p. 11), (September 18, 1948).
3 “Ad Hoc Committee on Palestine – 30th Meeting,” United Nations Press Release GA/PAL/84, (November 24, 1947).
4 Avneri, p. 276.
5 Jerusalem Post, (December 4, 2003).
6 David Ben-Gurion, Rebirth and Destiny of Israel, (NY: Philosophical Library, 1954), p. 220.
7 Atalia Ben Meir, “The Palestinian Refugee Issue and the Demographic Aspect,” Israel and A Palestinian State: Zero Sum Game?, (ACPR Publishers: 2001), p. 215.
8 Joseph Schechtman, The Refugee in the World, (NY: A.S. Barnes and Co., 1963), p. 184.
9 I.F. Stone, This is Israel, (NY: Boni and Gaer, 1948), p. 27.
10 Shmuel Katz, Battleground: Fact and Fantasy in Palestine, (Taylor Publications Ltd: 2002), p. 10.
11 Ibid.
12 Avneri, p. 270
13 London Daily Mail, (August 12, 1948) cited in Shmuel Katz, Battleground: Fact and Fantasy in Palestine, (Taylor Publications Ltd: 2002), p. 13.
14 New York Times, (April 23, 1948).
15 Howard Sachar, A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time, (NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 332; Avneri, p. 270.
16 Secret memo dated April 26, 1948, from the Superintendent of Police, regarding the general situation in Haifa, cited in Shmuel Katz, Battleground: Fact and Fantasy in Palestine, (Taylor Publications Ltd: 2002), p. 13.
17 Golda Meir, My Life, (NY: Dell, 1975), pp. 267–8.
18 New York Times, (April 23, 1948).
19 London Times, (April 24, 1948).
20 Schechtman, p. 190.
21 Foreign Relations of the U.S. 1948, Vol. V, (DC: GPO, 1976), p. 838.
22 Tom Segev, 1949: The First Israelis, (NY: The Free Press, 1986), pp. 27–8.
23 Yigal Allon in Sefer ha-Palmach, quoted in Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre, O Jerusalem!, (NY: Simon and Schuster, 1972), p. 337; Yigal Allon, My Fathers House, (NY: W.W. Norton and Company, Inc, 1976), p. 192.
24 Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, (MA: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 423–5.
25 Morris, p. 592.
26 Middle East Journal, (October 1949).
27 Terence Prittie, “Middle East Refugees,” cited in Michael Curtis, et al, The Palestinians, (NJ: Transaction Books, 1975), p. 52.
28 New York Times, (March 4, 1949).
29 The Guardian, (February 21, 2002).
30 “International: On the Eve?,” Time Magazine, (May 3, 1948).
31 Morris, p. 590.
32 Middle East Studies, (January 1986); See also, Morris, pp. 263, 590–2.
33 The Memoirs of Haled al Azm, (Beirut, 1973), Part 1, pp. 386–7.
34 Myron Kaufman, The Coming Destruction of Israel, (NY: The American Library Inc., 1970), pp. 26–7.
35 Edward Atiyah, The Arabs, (London: Penguin Books, 1955), p. 183.
36 Morris, p. 591.
37 Yehoshofat Harkabi, Arab Attitudes to Israel, (Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1972), p. 364.
38 King Abdallah, My Memoirs Completed, (London: Longman Group, Ltd., 1978), p. xvi
39 Al-Ayyam, (May 16, 2006), quoted in Itamar Marcus and Barbara Cook, “The Evolving Palestinian Narrative: Arabs Caused the Refugee Problem,” Palestinian Media Watch, (May 20, 2008).
40 Palestinian Authority TV, (July 7, 2009), quoted in Palestinian Media Watch Bulletin, (July 23, 2009).
41 Al-Hayat al-Jadida, (December 13, 2006), quoted in Itamar Marcus and Barbara Cook, “The Evolving Palestinian Narrative: Arabs Caused the Refugee Problem,” Palestinian Media Watch, (May 20, 2008).
42 Al-Ayyam, (May 13, 2008), quoted in Itamar Marcus and Barbara Cook, “The Evolving Palestinian Narrative: Arabs Caused the Refugee Problem,” Palestinian Media Watch, (May 20, 2008).
43 Falastin a-Thaura, (March 1976).
44 Walid Khalidi, Palestine Reborn, (I.B. Tauris: 1992), p. 289.
45 Dan Kurzman, Genesis 1948, (OH: New American Library Inc., 1970), p. 141.
46 Menachem Begin, The Revolt, (NY: Nash Publishing, 1977), pp. xx–xxi, 162–3.
47 See, for example, Amos Perlmutter, The Life and Times of Menachem Begin, (NY: Doubleday, 1987), p. 214; J. Bowyer Bell, Terror Out of Zion, (NY: St. Martin’s Press, 1977), pp. 292–6; Kurzman, p. 142.
48 Uri Milstein, History of Israel’s War of Independence, Vol IV, (Lanham: University Press of America, 1999), p. 262.
49 Milstein, p. 262.
50 Dana Adams Schmidt, “200 Arabs Killed, Stronghold Taken,” New York Times, (April 10, 1948).
51 Kurzman, p. 148.
52 Sharif Kanaana and Nihad Zitawi, “Deir Yassin,” Monograph No. 4, Destroyed Palestinian Villages Documentation Project, (Bir Zeit: Documentation Center of Bir Zeit University, 1987), p. 55
53 Sharif Kanaana, “Reinterpreting Deir Yassin,” Bir Zeir University, (April 1998).
54 Milstein, p. 267.
55 Rami Nashashibi, “Dayr Yasin,” Bir Zeit University, (June 1996).
56 Yehoshua Gorodenchik testimony at Jabotinsky Archives.
57 Milstein, p. 276.
58 “Israel and the Arabs: The 50 Year Conflict,” BBC Television Series, (1998).
59 “Interview with Abd al-Rahman Azzam Pasha,” Akhbar al-Yom (Egypt), (October 11, 1947); translated by R. Green.
60 Sachar, p. 335.
61 Schechtman, p. 268.
62 Prittie in Curtis, pp. 66–7.
63 New York Times, (July 17, 1949).
64 Jerusalem Post, (January 26, 1989).
65 Telegraph (Beirut), (August 6, 1948), quoted in Schechtman, pp. 210–11.
66 Moshe Sharett,Israels Position and Problems,” Middle Eastern Affairs, (May 1952), p. 136.
67 Al Said (Lebanon), (April 6, 1950), cited in Prittie in Curtis, p. 69.
68 Al-Misri, (October 11, 1949), cited in Nathan Feinberg, The Arab-Israeli Conflict in International Law, (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1970), p. 109.
69 Beirut al Massa, (July 15, 1957), cited in Katz, p. 21.
70 Benjamin Franklin, Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin, Vol 1, (M’Carty & Davis: 1834), p. 463.
71 Melissa Radler, “UN Marks Partition Plan Anniversary with anti-Israel Fest,” Jerusalem Post, (December 4, 2003).
72 UNRWA, (as of December 30, 2010).
73 UNRWA; “Biennial Programme Budget 2010-2011 of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees,” UN General Assembly, (September 17, 2009).
74 Schechtman, p. 220.
75 “Speech to Parliament – April 24, 1950,” Abdallah, pp. 16–7; Aaron Miller, The Arab States and the Palestine Question, (DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1986), p. 29.
76 Khaled Abu Toamed, “Amman Revoking Palestinians Citizenship,” Jerusalem Post, (July 20, 2009).
77 Leibler, p. 48.
78 Alexander H. Joffe and Asaf Romirowsky, “A Tale of Two Galloways: Notes on the Early History of UNRWA and Zionist Historiography,” Middle Eastern Studies, (September 2010).
79 Jerusalem Report, (June 27, 1991).
80 UNRWA
81 Musa Alami, “The Lesson of Palestine,” Middle East Journal, (October 1949), p. 386.
82 Sol Stern, “Mr. Abbas, Tear Down This Wall!” Jewish Ideas Daily, (September 28, 2010).
83 UNRWA
84 Arlene Kushner, “the UN’s Palestinian Refugee Problem,” Azure, (Autumn 2005).
85 Jerusalem Report, (July 6, 1998).
86 Katz, p. 21.
87 Editorial, Des Moines Register, (January 16, 1952).
88 Jerusalem Report, (March 26, 2001).
89 UNRWA Annual Reports, (July 1, 1966–June 30, 1967), pp. 11–19; (July 1, 1967–June 30, 1968), pp. 4–10; (July 1, 1968–June 30, 1969), p. 6; (July 1, 1971–June 30, 1972), p. 3.
90 Maurice Roumani, The Case of the Jews from Arab Countries: A Neglected Issue, (Tel Aviv: World Organization of Jews from Arab Countries, 1977), p. 34.
91 Associated Press, (October 23, 2001).
92 “Meeting Minutes: President Abbas Meeting with the Negotiations Support Unit,” (March 24, 2009).
93 Amos Oz, “Israel Partly at Fault,” Ynetnews,(March 29, 2007).
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great letters Anti-Semitic views have no place in a civilised society

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Anti-Semitic views have no place in a civilised society

ALL reasonable Australians should be offended by the vile anti-Semitic campaign at the University of NSW ("PM denounces activists as anti-Israel protest turns anti-Semitic", 30/4).
The campaign that started as a protest against opening a chocolate shop on campus because it might have some indirect link to Israel, has morphed into a campaign of hatred inconsistent with Australian values.
This is the campus which has as its Chancellor the architect of the federal government's education reforms, David Gonski. I have yet to hear him make a statement on this matter.
Where is the moral leadership at the University of NSW? We learn that some Jewish students now feel insecure. History teaches us that the sort of expressions used in hate campaigns can soon become physical actions. What action does the university propose to take to deal with this disgraceful problem?
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David Adler, St Ives, NSW
FOR University of NSW Students for Justice in Palestine to complain that the charge of anti-Semitism on their Facebook page is an attempt to censor them is risible and an attempt to defend the indefensible. Those who care at all about racism and intolerance wish to stop such blatant anti-Semitic and racist slurs seeing the light of day.
I applaud those who have made the effort to oppose this dangerous slippery slope to possible violence.
George Foster, Abbotsford, NSW
SEX segregation at Melbourne University, Jew bashing and Holocaust denial at the University of NSW - it seems our centres of higher learning are becoming hotbeds of Islamism. What's next - uni courses in jihad? Geert Wilders did try to warn us.
Terry Coupland, Toowoomba, Qld
IT is shocking that some students are demanding a boycott of allegedly Israeli products in their university and that anti-Semitic rhetoric is raising its ugly head.
As an academic, I find the idea of students - and some academics - demanding a boycott of Israeli products in universities sickening. Are those calling for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel demanding similar bans against non-Jewish governments such as Iran, China, Burma, Saudi Arabia and Zimbabwe? If not, why not?
Bill Anderson, Surrey Hills, Vic
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Julia Gillard should be congratulated for denouncing the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement, anti-Israel protests that have little to do with the Palestinians and much to do with trying to delegitimise Israel.
Henry Herzog, St Kilda, Vic





Julie Bishop sceptical about the Prime Minister's comments on BDS

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I do not think the Libs are fair to Julia Gillard: see my current  post in my main blog.
GS
Julie Bishop sceptical about the Prime Minister's comments on BDS

THE opposition has dismissed Julia Gillard's intervention in the boycott, divestment and sanctions debate as too little, too late.
Foreign affairs spokeswoman Julie Bishop said she was sceptical about the Prime Minister's comments.
She said if Ms Gillard were serious in her objections, "she should have spoken out against the actions of the union movement and the Greens, her former alliance partners" to the BDS movement.
Ms Gillard said through a spokeswoman on Monday: "This campaign does not serve the cause of peace and diplomacy for agreement on a two-state solution between Israel and Palestine."
The comments came as students at Israel's Technion, named sixth in innovation and entrepreneurship among universities worldwide in a survey by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, called on their Sydney University colleagues to reverse their support for BDS.
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"The student population includes students from Israel's various minorities, and nearly a fifth are Arab students from across the country," the board of the Technion Students Association wrote to the Sydney University Student Representative Council.
"Side by side, Arab, Jewish and international students study, work and engage in extra-curricular activities."
A planned student BDS rally ended up a damp squib yesterday, with journalists, police and security guards nearly outnumbering protesters.
The University of NSW protest against a planned Max Brenner chocolate shop on campus came after anti-Semitic posts appeared on the rally's Facebook page, posts that organisers of the rally disowned.
Only about 30 protesters marched under the banner Students for Justice in Palestine.
There was no anti-Semitic rhetoric in the speeches delivered by speakers including SJP spokesman Damian Ridgwell, two Palestinian students, and National Union of Students national queer officer Cat Rose. Ms Rose said BDS was "something extraordinarily relevant" for students.
She praised her Sydney University colleagues for their support of BDS.
Another speaker, UNSW student Bec Hynek, described herself as an "anti-Zionist Jewish activist".
"I stand alongside a growing number of Jewish supporters of the BDS who don't want to support oppression of Palestinians."
About a dozen Australian Jewish and Israeli students watched on, with some heckling the speakers with remarks like "what's chocolate got to do with politics?"
Max Brenner is a brand name of the Strauss Group, an Israeli food and beverage company that supplies some rations to the army. In a statement yesterday, local management said it had no direct connection to the Strauss Group.
NSW Jewish Board of Deputies chief executive Vic Alhadeff said the paltry turnout was an encouraging signal that students at UNSW :don't respond to crude theatrics and blatant politicising of what is nothing more sinister than a chocolate shop".

Welcome from the Chancellor - D Gonski

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UNSW Council

David Gonski AC, Chancellor
David Gonski AC, Chancellor

Welcome from the Chancellor

The Council is the University’s governing body and is responsible for acting on the University’s behalf to promote its objectives and interests. The governance of universities has come under increasing scrutiny nationally in recent years, and UNSW and its Council are committed to meeting this scrutiny by demonstrating the highest standards. In line with this commitment our aim is to make the operations of Council as open and transparent as possible consistent with the need for some of Council’s business to be protected by confidentiality. This website is one contribution to increasing understanding of Council, its role and its operations, in the University and beyond.
The Council consists of 15 members with a variety of internal and external perspectives. Some are elected by staff, students, or graduates. Others are appointed by the State Minister for Education or by the Council itself. Between them they contribute a mixture of expertise in areas including finance, commercial activities, the law, governance and management, and planning and development, drawing on experience in the community, government, and private sectors. Council is also able to draw on additional valuable specialised expertise through the appointment of external members to Council committees. Council and Council Committee members serve the University in this way on an entirely voluntary basis.
On the Council website you can find more information about the members of Council and its committees and about their functions and procedures. Also available are some of Council’s non-confidential documents, information about policies approved by Council, links to other sources of information, and some contact details. I believe this is a valuable resource for the University community and hope you find it so.
David Gonski, AC
Chancellor

ENQUIRIES

Phone: 02 9385 2788
Fax: 02 9385 1949
Email: chancellor@unsw.edu.au

OP ED THE OZ Unis tolerating intolerance

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Unis tolerating intolerance

IT says a great deal about the illiberal tendencies of parts of our academic community that the anti-Israeli boycott, divestment and sanctions movement - which often borders on the anti-Semitic - finds support in the humanities faculties of some of our universities.
Given the right of people to go about their legal business, and shop where they please, it is questionable that the University of NSW should even tolerate protests against a chocolate shop being established on its site. But it is beyond question that it should take action against protesters using blatantly racist and anti-Semitic language as part of these protests. We expect that, quite rightly, there would be forceful action to stamp out any vilification of, say, Muslim or Asian students. Yet seemingly the targeting of Israeli-linked companies and Jewish people throws up a confected moral quandary.
The BDS movement wins support not just from jejune students eager for an anti-establishment cause but also from some academics, perhaps for the same reason. If it were not so tragic it would be a hilarious paradox that the University of Sydney's Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies backs BDS, including preventing academic exchanges. It is difficult to think of an act that is more close-minded or less conciliatory than banning an exchange of ideas between people in liberal democracies. Still, this is what passes muster in some parts of the academy these days.
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The blatant dishonesty of this campaign should be identified and condemned. The legitimate grievances of the Palestinian people present a worthy cause, yet to couch their campaign in hateful language about "apartheid" and "war crimes" is demonstrably inaccurate and offensive. No objective view of history could fail to recognise Israel's offers to surrender territory to the Palestinians in return for peace. The landmark Oslo Accords cemented this reality but the olive branch has never been grasped, primarily because Hamas, like Yasser Arafat's PLO before it, simply will not recognise the right of Israel to exist. A peace based on two secure states can hardly be delivered without that fundamental acceptance. When Israel evacuated its citizens and withdrew from Gaza in 2005 it wasn't peace that ensued but bloody battles between Hamas and Fatah. Israel was rewarded with indiscriminate rocket fire from Gaza into its territory, targeting its civilians. Unless Palestinians accept responsibility for their actions, there can be no serious consideration of a peaceful resolution to their rightful claims for territory, statehood and the return of refugees.
As a pluralistic democracy that provides for the security and well-being of Palestinians, Israel is not remotely comparable to apartheid South Africa. For decades Arabs have had greater democratic and human rights in Israel than in any Arab country. They make up about a sixth of Israel's population and Palestinian Muslims hold seats in the Knesset on a platform of creating a viable Palestinian state. Israel is not perfect and the Palestinian issue must be resolved. But demonising Israel and Jews is not only wrong because it is racist, it is also an incorrect and deceptive interpretation of reality. Julia Gillard is right to condemn the BDS campaign, now so marginalised it has been disowned even by the Greens. We are entitled to expect our universities to take a stronger stand both against racism and in favour of facts.

AJN May 3 ‘Planting the seeds of hatred’

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http://www.jewishnews.net.au/planting-the-seeds-of-hatred/30632


‘Planting the seeds of hatred’



Brenner UNSW
COMMUNAL leaders have reacted angrily at photos of a young child brandishing a sign labelling an Israeli business owner a “murderer”, during a Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) protest on Tuesday.
The boy held a sign that read “Max, Max, Murderer!” during the demonstration, which targeted a soon-to-be-opened Max Brenner chocolate store at the University of New South Wales (UNSW) in Randwick.
“It is remarkable that ostensibly educated and intelligent people have so little insight into what they are doing,” Executive Council of Australian Jewry executive director Peter Wertheim said when he was shown the photo.
“They are raising a young child on myths and prejudice and planting the seeds of hatred with reckless disregard for the ultimate consequences. They have learnt nothing from history.”
His comments were echoed by NSW Jewish Board of Deputies president Yair Miller. “It is deplorable to see a young child being indoctrinated with falsehoods and hatred,” Miller said.
More than 2000 people were invited to the BDS protest on Facebook, but less than 40 people showed up.
The Facebook page itself attracted a slew of anti-Semitic comments, among them one describing Jews as “evil”, “greedy” and “money-loving”.
Speaking ahead of Tuesday’s protest and in the wake of the recent vote by the University of Sydney’s Student Representative Council calling for ties to be cut with the Technion- Israel Institute of Technology, Prime Minister Julia Gillard stated that the Australian government has always been firm and clear in its opposition to the BDS campaign.
“This campaign does not serve the cause of peace and diplomacy for agreement on a two-state solution between Israel and Palestine,” Gillard said.
“I welcome the strong ties our universities have with Israeli researchers and academic institutions, and I hope those ties will deepen in the years ahead.”
Shadow minister for climate action, environment and heritage Greg Hunt, who spoke at the Australia/Israel Chamber of Commerce in Melbourne this week, said the BDS movement on campus was being led by a “group of ­leftist students at the University of NSW and Sydney University [who] are completely out of ­control”.
“Anti-Semitism is religious racism. This is unacceptable and they should acknowledge that they are motivated by collective bigotry regarding their comments on Israel and their apparent willingness to tolerate the most extreme and anti-Semitic comments on their website.”
A spokeswoman for UNSW said the university has no plans to change the agreement with Max Brenner and the store will open, as planned, by June.
JOSHUA LEVI
Protesters at UNSW (Photo: Joshua Levi)
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