http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Decadal
Dec´a`dal
| a. | 1. | Pertaining to ten; consisting of tens. |
Webster's Revised Unabridged Dictionary, published 1913 by C. & G. Merriam Co.
http://www.thefreedictionary.com/Decadal
Dec´a`dal
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Dec´a`dal definition
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WIKI: Atlantic multidecadal oscillation
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlantic_multidecadal_oscillation
Atlantic multidecadal oscillation
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaNot to be confused with North Atlantic oscillation.
The Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation (AMO) is a mode of variability occurring in the North Atlantic Ocean and which has its principal expression in the sea surface temperature (SST) field. While there is some support for this mode in models and in historical observations, controversy exists with regard to its amplitude, and in particular, the attribution of sea surface temperature change to natural oranthropogenic causes, especially in tropical Atlantic areas important for hurricane development.[1]
Contents
[hide]Definition[edit]
The Atlantic multidecadal oscillation (AMO) was identified by Schlesinger and Ramankutty in 1994.[2]
The AMO signal is usually defined from the patterns of SST variability in the North Atlantic once any linear trend has been removed. This detrending is intended to remove the influence ofgreenhouse gas-induced global warming from the analysis. However, if the global warming signal is significantly non-linear in time (i.e. not just a smooth linear increase), variations in the forced signal will leak into the AMO definition. Consequently, correlations with the AMO index may alias(?) effects of global warming.
Several methods have been proposed to remove the global trend and ENSO influence over the North Atlantic SST. Trenberth and Shea, assuming that the effect of global forcing over the North Atlantic is similar to the global ocean, subtracted the global (60°N-60°S) mean SST from the North Atlantic SST to derive a revised AMO index.[3]
Ting et al. however argue that the forced SST pattern is not spatially uniform; they separated the forced and internally generated variability using signal to noise maximizing EOF analysis.[1]
Van Oldenborgh et al. derived an AMO index as the SST averaged over the extra-tropical North Atlantic (to remove the influence of ENSO that is greater at tropical latitude) minus the regression on global mean temperature.[4]
Guan and Nigam removed the non stationary global trend and Pacific natural variability before applying an EOF analysis to the residual North Atlantic SST.[5]
The linearly detrended index suggests that the North Atlantic SST anomaly at the end of the twentieth century is equally divided between the externally forced component and internally generated variability, and that the current peak is similar to middle twentieth century; by contrast the others methodology suggest that a large portion of the North Atlantic anomaly at the end of the twentieth century is externally forced.[1]
Mechanisms[edit]
In models, AMO-like variability is associated with small changes in the North Atlantic branch of the Thermohaline Circulation, however historical oceanic observations are not sufficient to associate the derived AMO index to present day circulation anomalies.[citation needed]
Climate impacts worldwide[edit]
The AMO index is correlated to air temperatures and rainfall over much of the Northern Hemisphere, in particular, North America and Europe such as North Eastern Brazilian and African Sahel rainfall and North American and European summer climate. It is also associated with changes in the frequency of North American droughts and is reflected in the frequency of severe Atlantichurricanes. It alternately obscures and exaggerates the global increase in temperatures due to human-induced global warming.[6]
Recent research suggests that the AMO is related to the past occurrence of major droughts in the US Midwest and the Southwest. When the AMO is in its warm phase, these droughts tend to be more frequent or prolonged. Two of the most severe droughts of the 20th century occurred during the positive AMO between 1925 and 1965: The Dust Bowl of the 1930s and the 1950s drought. Florida and the Pacific Northwest tend to be the opposite—warm AMO, more rainfall.[6]
Climate models suggest that a warm phase of the AMO strengthens the summer rainfall over India and Sahel and the North Atlantic tropical cyclone activity.[7] Paleoclimatologic studies have confirmed this pattern—increased rainfall in AMO warmphase, decreased in cold phase—for the Sahel over the past 3,000 years.[8]
Relation to Atlantic hurricanes[edit]
In viewing actual data on a short time horizon, sparse experience would suggest the frequency of major hurricanes is not strongly correlated with the AMO. During warm phases of the AMO, the number of minor hurricanes (category 1 and 2) saw a modest increase.[9] With full consideration of meteorological science, the number of tropical storms that can mature into severe hurricanes is much greater during warm phases of the AMO than during cool phases, at least twice as many; the AMO is reflected in the frequency of severe Atlantic hurricanes.[6] The hurricane activity index is found to be highly correlated with the Atlantic multidecadal oscillation.[9] If there is an increase in hurricane activity connected to global warming, it is currently obscured by the AMO quasi-periodic cycle.[9] The AMO alternately obscures and exaggerates the global increase in temperatures due to human-induced global warming.[6] Based on the typical duration of negative and positive phases of the AMO, the current warm regime is expected to persist at least until 2015 and possibly as late as 2035. Enfield et al. assume a peak around 2020.[10]
Florida rainfall[edit]
The AMO has a strong effect on Florida rainfall. Rainfall in central and south Florida becomes more plentiful when the Atlantic is in its warm phase and droughts and wildfires are more frequent in the cool phase. As a result of these variations, the inflow to Lake Okeechobee — the reservoir for South Florida’s water supply — changes by as much as 40% between AMO extremes. In northern Florida the relationship begins to reverse — less rainfall when the Atlantic is warm.[6]
Periodicity and prediction of AMO shifts[edit]
There are only about 130–150 years of data based on instrument data which are too few samples for conventional statistical approaches. With the aid of multi–century proxy reconstruction, a longer period of 424 years was used by Enfield and Cid–Serrano as an illustration of an approach as described in their paper called "The Probabilistic Projection of Climate Risk".[11] Their histogram of zero crossing intervals from a set of five re-sampled and smoothed version of Gray et al. (2004) index together with the Maximum Likelihood Estimate gamma distribution fit to the histogram, showed that the largest frequency of regime interval was around 10–20 year. The cumulative probability for all intervals 20 years or less was about 70% [12]
There is no demonstrated predictability for when the AMO will switch, in any deterministic sense. Computer models, such as those that predict El Niño, are far from being able to do this. Enfield and colleagues have calculated the probability that a change in the AMO will occur within a given future time frame, assuming that historical variability persists. Probabilistic projections of this kind may prove to be useful for long-term planning in climate sensitive applications, such as water management.
Assuming that the AMO continues with its quasi-cycle of roughly 70 years, the peak of the current warm phase would be expected in c. 2020,[13] or based on its 50–90 year quasi-cycle, between 2000 and 2040 (after peaks in c. 1880 and c. 1950).[10][relevant? ]
References[edit]
- ^ a b c Mingfang, Ting; Yochanan Kushnir, Richard Seager, Cuihua Li (2009). "Forced and Internal Twentieth-Century SST Trends in the North Atlantic". Journal of Climate 22 (6): 1469–1481.Bibcode:2009JCli...22.1469T. doi:10.1175/2008JCLI2561.1.
- ^ Schlesinger, M. E. (1994). "An oscillation in the global climate system of period 65-70 years". Nature 367 (6465): 723–726. Bibcode:1994Natur.367..723S. doi:10.1038/367723a0.
- ^ Trenberth, Kevin; Dennis J. Shea (2005). "Atlantic hurricanes and natural variability in 2005". GEOPHYSICAL RESEARCH LETTERS 33. Bibcode:2006GeoRL..3312704T.doi:10.1029/2006GL026894.
- ^ van Oldenborgh, G. J.; L. A. te Raa, H. A. Dijkstra, S. Y. Philip (2009). "Frequency- or amplitude-dependent effects of the Atlantic meridional overturning on the tropical Pacific Ocean". Ocean Sci. 5: 293–301. doi:10.5194/os-5-293-2009.
- ^ Guan, Bin; Sumant Nigam (2009). "Analysis of Atlantic SST Variability Factoring Interbasin Links and the Secular Trend: Clarified Structure of the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation". J. Climate 22 (15): 4228–4240. Bibcode:2009JCli...22.4228G. doi:10.1175/2009JCLI2921.1.
- ^ a b c d e "National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Frequently Asked Questions about the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation"
- ^ Zhang, R.; Delworth, T. L. (2006). "Impact of Atlantic multidecadal oscillations on India/Sahel rainfall and Atlantic hurricanes". Geophys. Res. Lett. 33: L17712. Bibcode:2006GeoRL..3317712Z.doi:10.1029/2006GL026267.
- ^ Shanahan, T. M.; et al. (2009). "Atlantic Forcing of Persistent Drought in West Africa". Science 324 (5925): 377–380. Bibcode:2009Sci...324..377S. doi:10.1126/science.1166352.PMID 19372429.
- ^ a b c Chylek, P. & Lesins, G. (2008). "Multidecadal variability of Atlantic hurricane activity: 1851–2007". Journal of Geophysical Research 113: D22106. Bibcode:2008JGRD..11322106C.doi:10.1029/2008JD010036
- ^ a b Enfield, David B.; Cid-Serrano, Luis (2010). "Secular and multidecadal warmings in the North Atlantic and their relationships with major hurricane activity". International Journal of Climatology 30(2): 174–184. doi:10.1002/joc.1881
- ^ http://www.usclivar.org/Newsletter/Variations_V3N3/Enfield.pdf[dead link]
- ^ For additional comments and citations see AMO, The Key Global Climate Indicator.
- ^ Curry, Judith A. (2008). "Potential Increased Hurricane Activity in a Greenhouse Warmed World". In MacCracken, Michael C.; Moore, Frances; Topping, John C. Sudden and disruptive climate change. London: Earthscan. pp. 29–38. ISBN 1-84407-478-1. "Assuming that the AMO continues with a 70-year periodicity, the peak of the next cycle would be expected in 2020 (70 years after the previous 1950 peak)."
Further reading[edit]
- Andronova, N. G.; Schlesinger, M. E. (2000). "Causes of global temperature changes during the 19th and 20th centuries". Geophys. Res. Lett. 27: 2137–2140.Bibcode:2000GeoRL..27.2137A. doi:10.1029/2000GL006109.
- Delworth, T. L.; Mann, M. E. (2000). "Observed and simulated multidecadal variability in the Northern Hemisphere". Climate Dynamics 16: 661–676. Bibcode:2000ClDy...16..661D.doi:10.1007/s003820000075.
- Enfield, D. B.; Mestas-Nunez, A. M.; Trimble, P. J. (2001). "The Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation and its relationship to rainfall and river flows in the continental U.S.". Geophys. Res. Lett.28: 2077–2080. Bibcode:2001GeoRL..28.2077E. doi:10.1029/2000GL012745.
- Goldenberg, S. B.; et al. (2001). "The recent increase in Atlantic hurricane activity: Causes and implications". Science 293: 474–479. Bibcode:2001Sci...293..474G.doi:10.1126/science.1060040. PMID 11463911.
- Gray, S. T.; et al. (2004). "A tree-ring based reconstruction of the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation since 1567 A.D.". Geophys. Res. Lett. 31: L12205. Bibcode:2004GeoRL..3112205G.doi:10.1029/2004GL019932.
- Hetzinger, Steffen; et al. (2008). "Caribbean coral tracks Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation and past hurricane activity". Geology 36 (1): 11–14. doi:10.1130/G24321A.1.
- Kerr, R. A. (2000). "A North Atlantic climate pacemaker for the centuries". Science 288 (5473): 1984–1986. doi:10.1126/science.288.5473.1984. PMID 17835110.
- Kerr, R. A. (2005). "Atlantic climate pacemaker for millennia past, decades hence?". Science 309 (5731): 41–43. doi:10.1126/science.309.5731.41. PMID 15994503.
- Knight, J. R. (2005). "A signature of persistent natural thermohaline circulation cycles in observed climate". Geophys. Res. Lett. 32: L20708. Bibcode:2005GeoRL..3220708K.doi:10.1029/2005GL024233.
- McCabe, G. J., G. J.; Palecki, M. A.; Betancourt, J. L. (2004). "Pacific and Atlantic Ocean influences on multidecadal drought frequency in the United States". PNAS 101: 4136–4141.Bibcode:2004PNAS..101.4136M. doi:10.1073/pnas.0306738101. PMID 15016919.
- Sutton, R. T.; Hodson, L. R. (2005). "Atlantic forcing of North American and European summer climate". Science 309: 115–118. Bibcode:2005Sci...309..115S.doi:10.1126/science.1109496. PMID 15994552.
- Knight, J. R.; C. K. Folland, and A. A. Scaife (2006). "Climate impacts of the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation". Geophys. Res. Lett. 33: L17706. Bibcode:2006GeoRL..3317706K.doi:10.1029/2006GL026242.
- "Climate change: the next ten years" by Fred Pearce and Michael Le Page, New Scientist, 13 Aug. 2008, pp. 26–30.
External links[edit]
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FROM :The Dictionary of the Climate Debate (DCD)
http://www.odlt.org/dcd/ballast/atlantic_multi_decadal_oscillation.html
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The Dictionary of the Climate Debate (DCD)
| Atlantic Multi-Decadal Oscillation |
| Definition: (Aka AMO) A multi-decadal (e.g., 65 to 75 year) fluctuation in the North Atlantic during which sea surface temperatures showed: (1) warm phases during (roughly) 1860-1880 and 1930-1960 and (2) cool phases during 1905-1925 and 1970-1990 with a range of order 0.4°C. Notes: 1. According to Michael Mann, the term was coined by Michael Mann: "I coined the term in an interview with Richard Kerr [a writer for Science] in 2000 about a paper he did with Tom Delworth of the GFDL and the NOAA Laboratory in Princeton, where we actually were the ones to articulate the existence of this oscillation. And you know what? It was celebrated by contrarians. My work has been celebrated by climate skeptics. It's an interesting footnote." |
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https://www.google.com.au/#q=multi+decadal+definition
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Scholarly articles for multi decadal definition | |
Impact of Atlantic multidecadal oscillations on India/ … - Zhang - Cited by 271 … . I: Model climatology and variability in multi-decadal … - Molteni - Cited by 180 … and understanding the multi-decadal variability of the … - Zhou - Cited by 124 | |
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What is the Meaning of a “Multi-Decadal Climate Projection ...
https://pielkeclimatesci.wordpress.com/.../what-is-the-meaning-of-a-“mul...Jan 4, 2006 - There are numerous papers and news releases that present regional and global model forecasts for decades into the future (see, as just two ...Decadal - definition of Decadal by the Free Online Dictionary ...
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www.odlt.org/dcd/ballast/atlantic_multi_decadal_oscillation.htmlDefinition: (Aka AMO) A multi-decadal (e.g., 65 to 75 year) fluctuation in the North Atlantic during which sea surface temperatures showed: (1) warm phases ...multidecadal - definition and meaning - Wordnik
www.wordnik.com/words/multidecadalmultidecadal: Involving multiple decades. ... multidecadal love. Define; Relate; List; Discuss; See; Hear. multidecadal. Define; Relate; List; Discuss; See; Hear ...Exercise: What is 'decadal variability'? - GEOG8280 (Decadal ...
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Prof. Michael Asten Monash
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3/1/14 - Prof. Michael Asten Bring science to climate policy
THE Senate inquiry probing the direct action scheme to reduce CO2 emissions provides opportunity for a review not only of the Coalition's scheme but its underlying justification.
Just as the National Broadband Network has been subjected to rigorous review and reframing, we should expect nothing less of the direct action scheme.
The debate thus far is not encouraging. The Climate Institute, an independent body previously supportive of Rudd-Gillard government initiatives, has weighed in to the debate with a submission to the Senate environment and communications references committee.
The institute argues that Australia's targets are not enough and, even if matched by the rest of the world, could bring about global warming disasters including "droughts in southern Australia occurring up to five times more often than present, and the destruction of the Great Barrier Reef". It does not attempt to review the physical science on which such projections are based.
Maurice Newman and Mohamed Nasheed have added to the debate on this page this week, with neither considering the underlying science and both adding more heat than light: Newman speaks of anthropogenic global warming as "scientific delusion" and Nasheed counters with sceptical views as being "antediluvian denialism".
I identify five segments of science - all detailed in peer-reviewed journals in the past three years - which demand scrutiny before we believe current global warming projections.
First, climate sensitivity is generally defined as the change in global temperature produced by a doubling of CO2 in the atmosphere. A range of studies across the past five years indicates this may be below, or significantly below, present values quoted by the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, in which case published modelling projections of future global warming and sea-level rise become overstated.
Second, the disconnect between CO2 increase and global temperature change since 1900 is especially evident in the global warming hiatus of the past 17 years. The mechanisms for this hiatus are not adequately described by consensus science, but there is increasing evidence to suggest natural cyclic change plays a major role in this dichotomy between projections from climate modelling based on anthropogenic global warming theory, and systematic measurement using terrestrial and satellite observation platforms.
Third, cyclic variations in global sea level suggest natural cycles of about 60 and 30 years in length. Such cycles, which are deserving of considerable further study, suggest a significant fraction of the observed rate of sea-level rise of past decades may be attributable to the upswing of natural cycles. The consequence, if proven, on projections of future sea-level rise and associated planning and land-use policy is large.
Fourth, natural cycles in climate change are increasingly evident from precise studies of temperature records imprinted in cave deposits, ice cores, corals and deep-sea sediments. These provide mounting evidence that current global warming is not abnormal in a historical context, and variations are subject to a range of natural cyclic phenomena with periods ranging from about 60 years to millennia.
Finally, causative mechanisms for natural cycles in climate change are an essential complement to observational data showing natural cycles in climate change. Mechanisms involving highly complex interactions of solar physics, magnetic fields and cosmic rays are on the cusp of delivering insights into possible mechanisms.
The issue of global sea-level rise has made news in the past week because of some local councils in NSW placing restrictions on frontage properties because of perceived flood and erosion risk. Such restrictions may have major impacts on land values, affecting individual owners, and it is worth considering some of the unknowns affecting such decisions.
A useful baseline number for global sea-level rise is a mean of 1.7mm a year for the period 1900-2010. Faster rates of rise in the order of 3.2 mm a year are recorded for 1993-2010, and 1930-1950. Projections of sea-level rise of 90cm by the year 2100 - used to justify planning restrictions on coastal property - require the rate of rise to increase to 15mm a year.
While the evidence for a small underlying trend of an increasing sea level is compelling, faster rates of rise and projections based on these need to be reconsidered in the light of evidence of multi-decadal cyclic variations in global sea level.
By my reading of the relevant literature (such as by Don Chambers of the college of marine science, University of South Florida, and colleagues, and by Ben Hamlington and colleagues at the University of Colorado, Boulder), the cycles arguably account for 30 per cent to 50 per cent of the observed sea-level change of the past 20 years, which leaves a residual rate of global sea-level rise near to the rate observed in the past 200 years.
The past 20 years appear to lie dominantly on the upswing of the natural cycles, thus raising the question of whether an apparent increasing rate of sea-level change in past decades is a new trend or whether it could be another facet of natural cyclic change of earth systems.
More alarmingly, these cyclic variations are not yet built into any published sea-level projections.
While the work of Chambers is mentioned in the IPCC's Fifth Assessment Report, it is not yet incorporated into any of the published modelling scenarios for future sea-level rise. Hamlington's work is more recent than the report.
Local councils that rely on the older IPCC Fourth Assessment Report not only risk injustice to their ratepayers, they are out of date by five years on scientific grounds.
The Abbott government is committed to spending $5 billion annually on its direct action emissions reduction program.
The Senate inquiry would do well to recommend some thousandths of this sum be spent re-examining which projections are credible, which natural changes require mitigation of effect rather than cause, and what cost-benefit parameters apply to programs targeting residual anthropogenically related climate change.
Michael Asten is professor of geophysics at Monash University.
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Article 2
THE rise of "boutique" programs in communications and other areas at universities ("Unis dismantle broad arts degrees to market boutique courses", 8/1) illustrates the problems identified by Nick Cater with the transformation of our universities into diploma mills offering increasingly worthless qualifications to gullible students ("Demand-driven model devalues degrees", 7/1).
Over the 20 years I taught in a university I watched as the traditional arts degree was devalued and marginalized by administrators desperate to chase government funding, while young people were enticed into a three or four-year commitment at the prime of their lives that would leave them with a huge HECS debt and little, or no, marketable qualifications.
Government policy, especially under Labor, appears designed only to safeguard the jobs of academics, many of whom are past their use-by date. At this rate our universities will have soon so debauched themselves that they will be an international embarrassment.
Merv Bendle, Inverloch, Vic
Speak out on jihadism
YOU report the alarming threat that an al-Qa'ida state might be established in sections of Iraq and Syria but the rejection by the US of any return of US troops and the Taliban might resume ruling in parts of Afghanistan. Meantime, in Australia we learn, not for the first time, that Islamic centres here are hearing extremists advocate jihadism.
What is the Abbott government's reaction to these developments? While Foreign Minister Julie Bishop recently scolded China for introducing airspace restrictions in the East China Sea, it seems far more important to make it clear that Australia is opposed to acts or threats of jihadism wherever these may occur. The recent warning by Attorney-General Brandis that Australians involved in such activity in Syria face potentially severe penalties is pertinent. But there is an urgent need to make a wider statement against jihadism.
Des Moore, South Yarra, Vic
Help only real refugees
THE bolshevik ABC and its fellow-travellers, the Greens, are positively salivating over news that an Australian naval vessel may have turned back a boat heading for Australia from Indonesia with a number of Sudanese and Somali nationals on board, who may have wished to land in an Australian territory and then claim that they were "refugees" within the meaning of the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees 1951.
The amount of taxpayer money devoted to minimising and dealing with illegal arrivals whether by air or sea and processing claims to refugee status under the convention is absurdly high. Surely that money could be better spent on showing compassion to people who are in refugee camps around the world and who are known to be genuine refugees. Perhaps it is time to heed Robert Hulme QC's suggestion that Australia should withdraw from the convention as a contracting state, a process that would take 12 months to become effective. We could then allocate resources to inviting genuine refugees to come to Australia without burdening taxpayers for no long-term good.
Peter R. Graham, QC, Sydney, NSW
Taking responsibility
Mike Keane ("Don't blame the booze" 8/1) is spot on when he states that personal responsibility is required if street violence is to be curbed. We live in a society which is great on freedom and rights of the individual but sadly lacking when it comes to taking responsibility for one's actions. The blame game is played over and over again as perpetrators of violence are often let off the hook. As a teacher of some forty years, I blame an education system which does not call its participants to account so that when they leave school it is a case of all rights and little responsibility.
The same approach seems to be common in many family environments where parents want to blame everything else for the shortcomings of their children. A tough love approach is required in order to take violence off our streets and this must start in the home and be complemented in the education system backed up by a very solid law and order agenda. We ignore this at our peril.
Peter Surkitt, Hampton, Vic
Getting things done
D. FRASER (Letters, 8/1) likens Queensland to a police state and makes Campbell Newman's government out to be worse than Joh. Joh was a mixed blessing, keeping poker machines out of Queensland, raising Brisbane's international profile, and presiding over strong development but also a culture of corruption and cronyism in which top police were complicit. It's a bit much to suggest that Newman is like him simply because he doesn't wait for the stars on both sides of the ideological divide to line up before attacking the tasks of government, including putting a stop to public displays of impunity by bikie gangs. Newman just likes to get things done.
Geoff Hall, Ascot, Qld
This science is political
PROFESSOR Iain Martin rose to the defence of the Australasian Antarctic Expedition (Letters 8/1) and delivered a gentle slap on the wrist for the critical reports about the expedition's entrapment in ice.
When a scientific expedition is accompanied by journalists there can be no doubt that their presence is political. The whole question of climate change is political. That the former government imposed a tax on carbon is political. The fact is that the linkage between CO2 and climate warming is yet to be proved and appears not to be connected. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is a political organisation and its assertions are political. Scientists, over the centuries, have been mocked and sometimes have been found to be right.
John Downing, Ringwood, Vic
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LYNCH ET AL: Gag orders defy purpose
SEVERAL University of Sydney academics have attracted criticism in recent months for views they hold with respect to the political situation in the Middle East.
Jake Lynch and others at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies have actively promoted a boycott of academics in Israeli universities under the banner of the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement while Tim Anderson has defended the Assad regime in Syria.
Some have argued that the university's failure to discipline these academics undermines the reputation of the university and even threatens the reputation of Australian higher education more generally.
Such criticisms fail to understand the nature of universities or the fact that the recommended punishment would do far more damage to Australia's reputation as a robust and open democracy than anything uttered by Lynch or Anderson.
First, let us be very clear. The University of Sydney does not endorse the views of either Lynch or Anderson.
Individual academics at this and other universities may agree with them, but many other academics do not.
Moreover, vice-chancellor Michael Spence has explicitly dissociated the university from the BDS movement.
The dean of arts and social sciences, Duncan Ivison, likewise took issue with Lynch's stance and other academics in that faculty have happily invited the Israeli academic snubbed by Lynch to visit the university.
The university has also recently signed a research collaboration agreement with Technion - Israel Institute of Technology in the northern city of Haifa, much to the consternation of Lynch and other members of the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies.
Similarly, the university does not endorse Anderson's views. He received no funds from the university for his visit, nor did the university approve leave for him to meet with Assad.
He funded his visit through other means and the meeting was conducted during a period of annual leave, and as a consequence he was not required to seek approval for his visit.
Australians on holiday can go anywhere they wish.
It is vital to state here that universities do not and should not "endorse" the views of any particular academic.
The mandate of universities in modern democracies is to provide an environment for the development of ideas, rigorous experimentation, the testing of hypotheses, and critical analysis of existing knowledge.
Universities are here to encourage open and rigorous discussions designed to advance knowledge, not rubber-stamp some ideas as good and others as bad based on the personal views we may hold.
This is not the first time, nor probably the last, when academics at the University of Sydney have expressed unpopular opinions.
In 1899, George Arnold Wood was roundly condemned in parliament and the press for his public opposition to the Boer War, which he deemed "morally wrong". Under pressure, the university senate debated whether to stop Wood from speaking. In the end, Wood survived.
Australia's future (and first) prime minister Edmund Barton was an active participant in this debate and his opinion is still relevant today.
Barton argued that while he "positively detests Mr Wood's opinion ... has he not also the right of free speech?"
There are many in the university who will find the views of Lynch and Anderson naive, even wrong-headed, but free and open debate demands that we defend their right to hold such views. Australia is a vibrant democracy, a value that we cherish and should defend, no matter how strenuous the challenge to our tolerance.
If we did not, then students and academics in Australia and around the world would rightly shun our university because it would clearly not be committed to the cardinal principle of free and open enquiry.
Stephen Garton is provost and acting vice-chancellor of the University of Sydney.
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OZ Editorial 14/1/14 re Sharon A bulldozer's path to peace
OVER Israel's 65 years of existence, no one better epitomises its hard-won reputation as a warrior state that will stop at nothing to resolutely defend its right to exist and do whatever it takes to destroy its enemies than Ariel Sharon. But there was another side, too, to the man known as The Bulldozer - that of the flexible pragmatist who warned before he was struck down by a stroke seven years ago that if the Jewish state failed to compromise and insisted on fulfilling its dream in its entirety, "we are liable to lose it all".
Both aspects of Sharon's extraordinary life leave a powerful legacy that is as relevant to today's Israeli leaders as it is to those of their Palestinian adversaries and members of the international community, led by the US, as they seek a formula for the resumption of Middle East peace talks.
Sharon's personal fearlessness as a soldier and ruthlessness as a military commander was, of course, legendary. His reputation was indelibly marked by his actions fighting for Israel's independence and by such events as the retaliatory raid on the West Bank village of Qibya, in which soldiers in his special counter-terrorism Unit 101 used powerful explosives to destroy 45 Palestinian homes, killing 69 people, three-quarters of whom were women and children. So, too, will it be forever overshadowed by the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon when, as defence minister, he was held responsible for the massacre of between 800 and 3500 Palestinians in the Sabra and Shatila camps.
As prime minister, he followed a policy of "retaliating relentlessly" against Palestinian terrorism and isolated Yasser Arafat in his Ramallah compound. Yet, when the time came for compromise, the man of war became a man of peace. Controversially in 2005, to the dismay of many Israelis, he evacuated Jewish settlements and withdrew troops from Gaza, in the process splitting his Likud party. Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza could not continue endlessly, he argued. Much as the outside world admired Israel's resolve, he warned Israeli intransigence would threaten the loss of support, even in the US.
That advice from the old warrior is no less relevant now than it was then. So, too, is his warning at the time that compromise can only come from a position of absolute strength and that war creates the opportunities and confidence to make essential concessions.
As he pursues his Middle East peace efforts, US Secretary of State John Kerry would do well to heed Sharon's words. A few days ago, Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, the most hardline member of the government, similarly expressed his support for the current Kerry peace process in a way that echoed Sharon's advice, warning that "any other offer from the international community will be a lot less comfortable for us".
Sharon was removed from the scene seven years ago. Yet the same principles he espoused remain as relevant now as they were then. No one should ever expect the Jewish state to be anything but uncompromisingly tough on its security and right to exist. That is a basic principle Palestinian leaders too often wilfully seek to ignore. But Sharon also showed that there comes a time for compromise, and in the remarkable personal journey that led to the old warhorse's change of heart must lie at least a glimmer of hope for Middle East peace prospects at a particularly critical time.
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AIJAC- 14/1 - Bulldozer who guided Israel from centre
THE passing of Ariel Sharon, Israel's first truly centrist prime minister, is a watershed event in Israel's history, as he served in a unique capacity as the pivotal bridge between Israel's founding generation and political landscape and the mature and modern Israel of today.
As the father of the Likud party, Sharon was often portrayed as the quintessential rightwinger and, by default, a banner-waver of Ze'ev Jabotinsky's Revisionist Zionist movement. However, a closer look at Sharon, both in the historical record and in his own words, shows this was far from accurate and reveals a far more complex reality.
In the early days of the state, as commander of the elite Unit 101, Sharon worked closely with Labor icons prime minister David Ben-Gurion and Israeli Defence Forces chief-of-staff Moshe Dayan in order to formulate deterrence against terror attacks orchestrated by Palestinian fedayeen raiders largely from Egyptian territory.
His success on the battlefield in the wars of 1956, 67 and 73, and in particular his acumen in planning and executing audacious tank manoeuvres on the battalion level, was Sharon's claim to fame.
His crossing of the Suez Canal in the late stages of the Yom Kippur War, which ended a stalemate in the Sinai and secured Israel's victory, made Sharon a household name in the diaspora as much as in Israel.
He leveraged this political capital into his vision of a united party that could challenge Labor's hegemony as the ruling party in Israel since the founding of the state. That party, the Likud (united), comprised of Menachem Begin's rightwing Revisionist Herut, the (non-socialist Zionist) Liberal party and other smaller factions, unseated a scandal-ridden Labor party in 1977, in an election that will forever be known as the mahapach (upset).
Under intense pressure to neutralise the Palestine Liberation Organisation's growing military capability as well as its persistent Katyusha rocket attacks from Lebanon on northern Israel, Sharon presided over the First Lebanon War as defence minister.
This chapter of Sharon's career will remain controversial, particularly for what the Kahan Commission concluded was Sharon's personal responsibility "for ignoring the danger of bloodshed and revenge" and "not taking appropriate measures to prevent bloodshed" by Christian Phalangist militiamen at Beirut's Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in mid-September 1982 in the aftermath of Lebanese president-elect Bachir Gemayel's assassination.
Yet even the biggest critics of Sharon's actions in the Lebanon War must concede that the defeat of the PLO's military arm in Lebanon and the expulsion of the organisation's leadership to Tunisia all but eliminated the PLO's military options, laying the foundations for the Oslo Accords the following decade. After his resignation as defence minister, Sharon reinvented himself as a minister of trade and industry and, later, housing and national infrastructure.
It was during this time that he earned the nickname The Bulldozer for his ability to push through projects. It was during this time, too, as housing minister under Yitzhak Shamir, that Sharon stepped up construction of Israel's settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, galvanising his reputation as a champion of the settler movement.
While there is no question that Sharon harboured a great deal of admiration for settlers, he made it clear in his autobiography, Warrior, that his settlement plans, especially their placement, were always rooted in what he believed was Israel's security.
This contention was put to the test later when, as prime minister, Sharon reached the conclusion that Israel's 21 settlements in Gaza (as well as four in the northern West Bank) had become liabilities to Israel's security and national interests. Unencumbered by Revisionist ideology, pragmatist Sharon in 2005 initiated a policy of unilateral disengagement and withdrawal from these areas - a decision that created a rift in the Likud and led to Sharon's departure from the party to create the centrist Kadima faction, taking some prominent Laborites like Shimon Peres with him in the process. With Sharon expected to win a clear mandate for Kadima in the 2006 election, his meandering political journey from defence confidante to Labor's leadership to Likud kingpin to centrist maverick was complete. His massive stroke in January 2006, however, left his mandate unfulfilled, and his successors in the party, Ehud Olmert, Tzipi Livni and Shaul Mofaz failed to maintain his momentum or realise his vision.
As a political nonconformist who stood apart from, and yet was respected by, Laborites and their Revisionist rivals, Sharon was uniquely able to attain political objectives beyond his other political contemporaries, expanding the national consensus on the concept of a two-state peace outcome consistent with Israeli security.
His ability to lead the country despite no allegiance to a particular ideology other than simple Zionism has opened doors to a generation of Israeli leaders unfettered by party doctrine.
The vision of Sharon and his eminently successful centrist Kadima party - the fulfilment of his political ambitions, however ephemeral - has shown that Israel's natural pull to the centre is a force that must always be reckoned with in Israel elections. For this legacy, even Sharon's greatest critics must give him his due.
Ahron Shapiro is policy analyst at the Australia/Israel & Jewish Affairs Council.
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M Burd letter 14/1 Israel loses a hero
Israel loses a hero
ISRAEL has lost a great war hero, one considered the greatest field commander in its history. It was as PM that Ariel Sharon, perceived as a right winger, reversed his stance and withdrew all Israeli troops out of Gaza, thinking this would be bring peace.
Tragically, this move was never reciprocated by the Palestinians.
Michael Burd, Toorak, Vic
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With Sharon burial within rocket range, Israel sends stern warning to Hamas
From:The Jerusalem Post
Sent: Tuesday, January 14, 2014 3:31 AM
Subject: Sharon burial within rockets range, Nuclear talks to resume, Sharon is missed
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Email Marketing Software ActiveTrail
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With Sharon burial within rocket range, Israel sends stern warning to Hamas
From:The Jerusalem Post
Sent: Tuesday, January 14, 2014 3:31 AM
Subject: Sharon burial within rockets range, Nuclear talks to resume, Sharon is missed
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Email Marketing Software ActiveTrail
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The Jerusalem Post
From:The Jerusalem Post
Sent: Tuesday, January 14, 2014 3:31 AM
Subject: Sharon burial within rockets range, Nuclear talks to resume, Sharon is missed
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Email Marketing Software ActiveTrail
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my letter ex 2005 re GAZA
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Tennis: Ball can only be in the winner's court
Illustration: Eric Lobbecke Source: News Limited
IN broken English, Rafael Nadal, in the post-match interview after his victory over Bernard Tomic in the third round of the 2011 Australian Open, said that he brought his game to the net because: "Today from the baseline I did not have enough good shots to destroy him."
There was a pause. Perhaps "destroy" wasn't the best word to use when you've just defeated the feeble beacon of Australian men's tennis. Appropriate, perhaps, but not tactful. Commentator Jim Courier jumped in: "To 'destroy him,' that's nice." Nadal hastily grabbed the microphone back. "I'm sorry," he laughed, eager to explain. "It was only the word in English I have, I didn't know another one."
He was light-heartedly embarrassed by his fumbling of the English language, but perhaps he shouldn't have been.
To "destroy" Tomic is exactly what he meant to do; what every professional tennis player needs to do to their opponent. Tennis, at its core, is about winning.
I once suggested to a room full of students that tennis was the most competitive sport. One of them rolled his eyes at me. "You've got to be joking. Have you tried rowing? There's nothing more competitive than rowing."
I could see his angle. Tennis, thanks to the likes of the ever-graceful Roger Federer, does not immediately appear to be a gruelling sport. Players take small breaks and little bites of banana between sets. Their battle armour is snow white; they don't wrestle and clamour for a ball in the mud.
The ferocity and urgency of other sports might make them appear competitive, but in most cases a team or player could win their contest without actually "destroying" their opponents. Such sports might depend on speed, strength, accuracy or pressure under time constraints, rather than directly beating an opponent.
When I say that tennis is about winning, I do not mean to discard its social or sportsmanlike qualities. Tennis should be played for the fun of the game, not solely for the prospect of victory. Tennis is not about playing dirty or winning at any cost, however, a tennis match cannot be complete until a player has won, and to do so they must destroy the other.
Tennis is about winning in a way that other sports are not. Many sporting events are in fact a race. In swimming, for example, each competitor swims to the best of their ability, as fast as they can. They do not engage directly with their opponents. In theory, their ability to swim should not be disrupted by their competitors. Each swimmer focuses on their own race and the competitor with the fastest time is declared the winner.
Sports like football, netball, hockey and basketball - these team sports do require direct engagement with an opponent, and the strategies and abilities of one team are impeded by the other. However, there is always a time-limit imposed on these sports; whether the Diamonds or the Ferns come out on top depends on one team scoring more points in an hour of play.
If the result is a draw, teams will play into overtime to determine a victor. (Unless it's the AFL grand final, which you'll have to replay).
Famously, tennis has no time limit. A match could take a mere half-hour, as when Steffi Graf won the 1988 French Open against Natasha Zvereva, or could last 11 hours and five minutes, in the case of John Isner and Nicholas Mahut during the 2010 Wimbledon Championships.
This is the beauty of tennis: there is always a second chance to claim back the game.
You always have a second serve up your sleeve. You can't win by a fluke or the advantage of serving first: you must win the game (or the set) by two points (or games), respectively.
When you win, you must do so decisively. You haven't lost until your opponent demonstrates that she is decidedly superior, but when they drive home that final point it's as good as hammering in the final nail. They have destroyed you.
The good news for any player is that it's not over until it's over. And no doubt Nadal is still aiming for no less than total destruction.
Erin Handley is an editor for Right Now, an online journal of Human Rights in Australia.
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No place to hide when it starts to heat up with a grand slam
Tennis fans watch the first day's play at the Australian Open. Source: Getty Images
A COMPLEX system of heat stress indicators will decide whether play at the Australian Open is disrupted by the heatwave forecast for this week.
The extreme heat policy is determined by thresholds set by the Wet Bulb Globe Temperature - an international model for estimating heat stress levels taking into account air and on-court temperatures, humidity, wind speed and other factors.
Tournament officials will also make use of a dedicated weather station solely focused on conditions at Melbourne Park.
Tournament referee Wayne McKewan said a combination of extremes posed the greatest risk to the year-opening grand slam.
"When it's high humidity and high temperature, that's when it starts to affect the players, staff and patrons," Mr McKewan said. "We've got a heat policy at the AO that takes into account a variety of temperatures."
Tournament doctor Tim Wood was quick to dismiss the threat to players, though the heat has pushed seasoned pros to their limit before.
"Tennis as a sport is a relatively low-risk sport for playing in these conditions," Dr Wood said. "The time the ball is in play in total time for the match is relatively small. The amount of heat they produce from muscles exercising is relatively small in terms of what someone continuously exercising will do.
"The players have had plenty of time to acclimatise."
Temperatures in Melbourne are forecast to stay above 40C until Friday, with today's predicted 43C the highest for the week.
On-court temperatures, while not significantly higher, are expected to make life a little tougher on the players. "Players may feel very hot in their ankles and their feet through their shoes from the court surface," Dr Wood said.
The heatwave has the rest of the state on high alert, with the state government and fire services both issuing warnings of the severe conditions.
Health Minister David Davis stressed the importance of residents being aware of ways to combat the conditions expected over the coming week.
"It is important for all Victorians to prepare for hot weather so that they know how to stay healthy in the heat," Mr Davis said.
"We know that heat-related illness and deaths can occur when the 24-hour average temperature goes above 30C."
Fire Services Commissioner Craig Lapsley said the week's conditions would dry out the remaining green moisture in the state, making it a crucial time for emergency services.
"It is the turning point for the summer period," Mr Lapsley said. "This type of temperature, day after day, sees us bake in Victoria.
"Heat like this will challenge those things and we should think if there is a (power) outage of some kind, what it would mean to me, to us, and how we operate."
A total fire ban has been declared for today in Victoria in all regions except for the North East and East Gippsland.
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